The Great Debate
On May 7, the debate over the Norway fiasco began in the House of Commons. Chamberlain's enemies were determined to replace him before the war was truly lost. Actually the blame for Norway could have been just as easily blamed on Churchill as Chamberlain. It was Churchill who sent the navy to attack without aircraft carriers. It was Churchill who had, at the last second, taken half of the forces meant for Trondheim and moved them to Narvik. In 1915, a similar situation in the Dardanelles and Gallilpoli had caused Herbert Asquith (then the Prime Minister) to make Churchill the fall guy.
On the other hand, Churchill could not be blamed for the calamity of strategic miscalculations that had but England in this dire situation in the first place. That lay at the hands of Chamberlain. Had he followed Churchill's advice in September and October, Norway might even now be in British hands. And if Chamberlain had followed Churchill's advice during the years when Hitler got away with so much, history might have been re-written. Englishmen knew that for all his faults, Churchill was a man suited for war. Chamberlain not so much.
Sir Roger Keyes, a naval hero of the First World War, was the initial speaker. Dressed in full battle uniform, his medals and ribbons shining, he denounced the conduct of the war but managed to exonerate Churchill. Then Leo Amery stood. The old man, bitter and angry, quoted Oliver Cromwell's famous speech when, three centuries earlier, he had dismissed the Long Parliament:
You have sat here too long for any good you might be doing. Depart I say, and let us have done with you. In the name of God, Go!
There was a roar of approval, and for the first time, Chamberlain knew he was in trouble. After two days of further attacks, he rose to defend himself, and the House mocked him: "Missed the bus!" several shouted. Chamberlain asked Churchill to close for the government.
This was one of those ironic moments in his life that Churchill so relished. For 40 years he had sought to be Prime Minister. Now, he truly believed that only if he was made Prime Minister could England be saved. All he had to do was be silent, or make a weak or self-excusing argument, and the title would be his. Yet it was not in his nature to do so. He was being asked by his main opponent throughout the decade past to defend him, to give reasons why Chamberlain should remain in office, and like a debator who is asked to switch sides, he did so. He enjoyed himself immensely, and actually delivered a magnificent defense of Neville Chamberlain.
However, it wasn't enough. The House divided in favor of the government's position, but only by 81 votes. This was not enough for Chamberlain to stay in office. He knew he had to resign. He considered asking the King to name Lord Halifax prime minister rather than Churchill.
At this point, we have a historical quandary. All of this took place on May 10, 1940, the same day that France and the Low Countries were invaded. According to Churchill's account, Chamberlain met with him and Halifax, and the latter deferred to Churchill based on the fact that as a Lord, he would have trouble with the House of Commons. However, according to several other historians, Chamberlain contacted the Labor party, because he wanted a coalition government, and they replied they would serve under Churchill, but not Halifax. According to Keith Feeling, Chamberlain's biographer, the news that Belgium was being invaded caused Chamberlain to insist that he should still remain in power until the crisis was over, but Churchill warned him that he, Churchill, would resign if this happened, which would create an anarchic situation.
We still have no idea which of these stories is exactly true. Churchill's version is the one that has come to be accepted in most history books, along with movies and novels. Whatever the case, by that evening, Churchill was Prime Minister, and he addressed the House of Commons:
I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat."
We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
This speech was later repeated word for word on the BBC, and also in America, where it had a terrific effect.