“I think the administration, as well as the opposition, put too much hope in the military rising up,” said a former senior U.S. official who worked on President Trump’s Venezuela policy. “Hope is not a plan.”
The opposition, whose leader, Juan Guaidó, is now recognized by the United States and several dozen other countries as interim president, while Maduro remains in place, “should have had a plan for [the military], and they didn’t,” said a senior official of one of several Latin American countries hosting the defectors. This official and others spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive foreign policy matter.
“We haven’t been able to flip them,” the Latin American official said of the military. “And we’ve been trying and trying.”
Trump administration officials acknowledge that defections are occurring more slowly than anticipated.
“Why hasn’t it broken open yet? Good question,” Elliott Abrams, the administration’s special envoy for Venezuela, said in a meeting in the past week with Washington Post editors and reporters. “It’s open for debate. I’ll give you part of the answer, and it’s the Cubans.”
The administration says that at least 20,000 Cuban military and intelligence agents are embedded in the Venezuelan armed forces. “They are the enforcers. They are the people who are watching generals and colonels like hawks,” Abrams said. “They are the people who are substantially in charge of incarceration and punishment” of Venezuelans seen as disloyal.
The presence of tens of thousands of Cubans in Venezuela is widely acknowledged, although Cuba says most are doctors and teachers, and some U.S. analysts say the number of security officials is far smaller than the administration asserts.
Potential defectors “don’t have communications among themselves,” the Latin American official said, because they are being watched, listened to, and often even lack electricity to charge their phones. “They can’t meet, especially the guys that could have an impact and would be the ones to flip.”
“We’re talking to them, but what has to be done is they have to talk between themselves.”
A 50-year-old Venezuelan army colonel, speaking in Cúcuta, the Colombian border city where most of the defectors are housed, agreed that “there is no communication . . . there is no unity” within the military. The colonel spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing the security of relatives in Venezuela.
The reason more do not defect, he said, is “fear that their families will be ruined.”
'Our message to soldiers'
While they are hesitant to criticize, some U.S. officials express exasperation with the Guaidó-led opposition, which they see as failing to win the support of the Venezuelan armed forces even as they demand U.S. intervention.
“The opposition hasn’t gained their confidence,” the former senior U.S. official said, and “has done a lousy job at assuaging their fears.”
Abrams, while treading lightly, concurred. “I would say that Guaidó and the National Assembly,” the opposition-led body that elected him interim president, “manifestly have to make clear to some people in the regime, to the military . . . that they intend a transition of national unity with all parties participating. They’ve said the right things, they have. A reconciliation. No vengeance. I guess it isn’t believed yet.”
For their part, opposition leaders are starting to worry. “We know our message to soldiers is being heard and that there is discontent within the armed forces. But there’s too much surveillance, blackmail and counterintelligence,” said Juan Andrés Mejía, a lawmaker from Guaidó’s Popular Will party, who is in charge of the opposition’s “day after” plan.
“The strategy,” he acknowledged, “hasn’t produced the effect we were looking for.”
But many say that the administration’s strong rhetoric and Trump’s repeated hints of possible U.S. military action, along with economic and financial pressure, led them to expect more from Washington.
“The United States has been an amazing ally, and that’s something we cannot negate,” said Freddy Superlano, another Popular Will lawmaker. “But it’s true that their and the international community’s discourse was very pompous. It’s a little upsetting to some when things are said, with no real immediate willingness to deliver.”
Inside Venezuela, the population is also growing impatient.
“The only thing I hear from the United States is them saying that it’s enough, that Maduro has to leave,” said Orlando Pérez, 53, who said he struggles with food, electricity and water shortages in his working-class suburb east of Caracas. “But if they’re going to take him out, take him out! Don’t keep offering to do things and threatening and then do nothing.”