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2020 Presidential Election Polling Thread (3 Viewers)

Minus means you are the favorite. -160 means that a person has to bet $160 to win a profit of $100 ($260 total).

To convert to a percentage, take 160 and divide by (160 + 100). 160/260 = 61.5% chance of winning.

A few days ago, Biden was at -190, which translates to a 65.5% chance (190/290 = .655).

For reference, on Election Day in 2016, some betting sites had Hillary at -900, which translates to a 90% chance of winning.
Don't remind me. :bag:

 
Vegas odds have moved over the weekend.  Biden was -190 to Trump's +160 on Friday.  Today it's Biden -160/Trump +130.  :mellow:
Could explain this like I’m 5 years old. Like, I never gamble so I don’t know what it means.
Minus means you are the favorite. -160 means that a person has to bet $160 to win a profit of $100 ($260 total).

To convert to a percentage, take 160 and divide by (160 + 100). 160/260 = 61.5% chance of winning.

A few days ago, Biden was at -190, which translates to a 65.5% chance (190/290 = .655).

For reference, on Election Day in 2016, some betting sites had Hillary at -900, which translates to a 90% chance of winning.
Alright, so the same principle applies to Trump's probability, right? So at +160 his odds are 100/260 = 38.46%. At +130 it's 100/230 = 43.48%.

Hmmm

So if you're betting favorites on the money line number, you can wipe out your profits easily ($190 or $160 in the Biden example.) Whereas if you bet an underdog, you're only risking $100. And if I'm understanding the post before yours, the vig means you have to win quite a bit more than you lose just to break even, regardless of which side you take. 

More or less correct?

 
Alright, so the same principle applies to Trump's probability, right? So at +160 his odds are 100/260 = 38.46%. At +130 it's 100/230 = 43.48%.

Hmmm

So if you're betting favorites on the money line number, you can wipe out your profits easily ($190 or $160 in the Biden example.) Whereas if you bet an underdog, you're only risking $100. And if I'm understanding the post before yours, the vig means you have to win quite a bit more than you lose just to break even, regardless of which side you take. 

More or less correct?
Close.  If you consistently bet favorites on the money line, yeah, you have to win a whole lot more often than you lose (although you should be winning more often, seeing as you are betting on the favorites).  If you are betting underdogs, you can lose more than half and still make money, since you lose $100 each time but win $130 or $160 or whatever each time you win.

Note that bets don't have to be these exact increments.  For instance, you could bet $50 at either -160 or +130.  You're risking $50 either way (i.e. if you lose, you pay the book $50).  In the former case (-160), if you win, you would collect $31.25.  In the latter case (+130), you would collect $65 if you win.

 
 Not meant to be the perfect strategy, but if you only bet on plus money underdogs you only have to be right 50% of the time to show an overall profit. You have to be realistic though in thinking that they have a better than even chance of winning.

 
Close.  If you consistently bet favorites on the money line, yeah, you have to win a whole lot more often than you lose (although you should be winning more often, seeing as you are betting on the favorites).  If you are betting underdogs, you can lose more than half and still make money, since you lose $100 each time but win $130 or $160 or whatever each time you win.

Note that bets don't have to be these exact increments.  For instance, you could bet $50 at either -160 or +130.  You're risking $50 either way (i.e. if you lose, you pay the book $50).  In the former case (-160), if you win, you would collect $31.25.  In the latter case (+130), you would collect $65 if you win.
Y'all make money doing this? Outside of Trump in AC, you don't read too many stories about casinos going bankrupt. House always wins, right?

Anyway, thank you for taking the time to explain it. At least I have some idea what the money line means now; for years I was baffled and never cared to understand what it means.

 
Y'all make money doing this? Outside of Trump in AC, you don't read too many stories about casinos going bankrupt. House always wins, right?
Some people can consistently make money.  Most people don't.  Remember that "house always wins" means that the house wins in the aggregate, not versus each individual gambler.

Personally, I don't gamble much these days.  Every once in a while, there's a line that attracts me.  Mayweather over McGregor, for instance, seemed like easy money even at -350.  Turns out, it was.

 
Some people can consistently make money.  Most people don't.  Remember that "house always wins" means that the house wins in the aggregate, not versus each individual gambler.

Personally, I don't gamble much these days.  Every once in a while, there's a line that attracts me.  Mayweather over McGregor, for instance, seemed like easy money even at -350.  Turns out, it was.
Roger, Roger.

 
DJT says that if the election were held today, he would win. Their internal polling has them with a clear path to winning. 
But he did say he was going to win 2-3 weeks ago.  I have no idea if he'll win or not (I don't think he will) but one thing I do know is I don't believe anything the man says.  He's a proven pathological liar who can't be trusted.

To stay on topic - I'm curious how these internal polls differ from "regular" polls.  What is their poll potentially showing that others aren't? 

 
There's been lots of discussion about the divide between state polls and national polls, the former showing a slightly tighter race than the latter. Another interesting wrinkle is House district polls. House polls flashed warning signs of Hillary's collapse with non-college whites in 2016, and they were the most accurate polls of 2018. Right now they happen to be Trump's worst ones. Take NY-22 for instance -- it's based in Binghamton/Utica and has lots of white working class voters:

2012: Obama and Romney essentially tie at 49%
2016: Siena poll shows Trump +14, Tenney (R) +4. Actual results are Trump +15, Tenney +5.
2018: Siena poll shows Brindisi (D) +1. Actual results are Brindisi +2.
2020: Siena poll shows Biden +1, Brindisi +9.

That's a 14-15 point shift from 2016, and NY-22 isn't the only district where such gargantuan shifts are taking place. Biden is simultaneously clawing back Obama/Trump voters in districts like NY-22 while surging with suburban folks. The state/national polls are bad for Republicans, but the district polls are apocalyptic.

 
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I think your "convert to a percentage" math is a bit off, as you have to account for the vig.  That is, if a book listed it as -110 for both sides, that should equate to 50% for each.  That said, some books do 15% vig for "exotics" like the Super Bowl coin-flip, so your conversion would need to take that into account too.  To get down into the weeds, and I don't have the time right now to figure out the exact math, you would need to look at both numbers and use both in your calculation to figure out the "percent chance of winning".  To summarize, you can't just use -160 in a percentage calculation because the percentage for -160 would be different if they listed the other side as +130 versus, say, +140.
I don’t gamble either, but it seems like you could just subtract the vig (assuming that number is known) and perform the calculation as Joe Summer stipulated. For example, in the even odds scenario you mention, with 10% vig, the likelihood of winning is (110-10)/[(110-10) + 100] = 100/200 = 50%?

But that doesn’t explain why the opposing team’s number isn’t always complementary to the favored team, ie., how -160 for the favorite isn’t always matched with +140 (vs. +130), or whatever adds up to 100% using Joe’s calculation. I suppose there’s always the chance of a tie, or third party candidate winning in the election scenario.

 
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The easiest summary would be to say that he has ripped them for odds changes not synching up with polling changes.  Perhaps "ripped" is the wrong term.  I probably should have written that he's been critical of them for movement that he doesn't think makes sense.

Nate would say that he wasn't wrong in 2016.  Their model showed that Trump had a 28.6% chance to win and that's what happened.
I think Nate deserves some credit for 2016, because I don't remember anyone giving Trump as good of a chance as 538 did, and I remember they were taking heat prior to the election from people arguing they were grossly overestimating Trump's chances. 

That being said, I think the argument they give about not being wrong because they acknowledge it's not 100% is lame.  I mean, if that's the standard they could just use a random number generator to predict the outcome -  how can they ever be wrong?  It's not like you can go back and run the election 100 times to see how close they were.  They've seemingly missed pretty badly a few times (one of the recent British elections comes to mind), and I think it's self-serving to act like the actual outcome of the election has no bearing on the correctness of their model. 

 
I think Nate deserves some credit for 2016, because I don't remember anyone giving Trump as good of a chance as 538 did, and I remember they were taking heat prior to the election from people arguing they were grossly overestimating Trump's chances. 

That being said, I think the argument they give about not being wrong because they acknowledge it's not 100% is lame.  I mean, if that's the standard they could just use a random number generator to predict the outcome -  how can they ever be wrong?  It's not like you can go back and run the election 100 times to see how close they were.  They've seemingly missed pretty badly a few times (one of the recent British elections comes to mind), and I think it's self-serving to act like the actual outcome of the election has no bearing on the correctness of their model. 
They assigned probabilities to outcomes. I don't know how "wrong" becomes a metric for measuring that kind of effort. We've had this discussion a bit on this board before. 28% is a non-trivial probability. I have a hard time saying someone was wrong because something they assigned 28% probability of occurrence to actually happened. Also, in the end, they aren't a primary source of measurement - they're performing analysis on other peoples' data. If that original data isn't good, there's only so much secret sauce they can spread on it to make it better. I don't know what kind of crazy model they could have come up with that would have put Trump at 50% or better to win on election day. I think they'd be more suspect if they had ended up in such a place than where they actually ended up.

 
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But he did say he was going to win 2-3 weeks ago.  I have no idea if he'll win or not (I don't think he will) but one thing I do know is I don't believe anything the man says.  He's a proven pathological liar who can't be trusted.

To stay on topic - I'm curious how these internal polls differ from "regular" polls.  What is their poll potentially showing that others aren't? 
What their candidate wants to see.

 
University of North Florida (A/B):

FLORIDA
Biden 48%
Trump 47%
With voting already taking place across much of this country......are these polls asking people if they voted already and then including them; or is admitting to voting an automatic qualifier?  

 
With voting already taking place across much of this country......are these polls asking people if they voted already and then including them; or is admitting to voting an automatic qualifier?  
I would think that if someone said they already cast their ballot, they would be counted in those surveys as a very likely voter.

 
They assigned probabilities to outcomes. I don't know how "wrong" becomes a metric for measuring that kind of effort. We've had this discussion a bit on this board before. 28% is a non-trivial probability. I have a hard time saying someone was wrong because something they assigned 28% probability of occurrence to actually happened. Also, in the end, they aren't a primary source of measurement - they're performing analysis on other peoples' data. If that original data isn't good, there's only so much secret sauce they can spread on it to make it better. I don't know what kind of crazy model they could have come up with that would have put Trump at 50% or better to win on election day. I think they'd be more suspect if they had ended up in such a place than where they actually ended up.
I actually like 538 a lot and think they do a really difficult task quite well, but I think people in general put too much weight in what they say without really gleaning a lot of the uncertainties.  My main beefs:

  1. Any percentage prediction is non falsifiable over only one result.  If I give you two dice and predict that you have a 20% chance of rolling an 8 or better, my model is wrong.  It doesn't matter whether you roll a 10 or a 3, and it's silly to after you roll a 10 declare that I was right because I said it might happen.  To your point, the only way to really check 538's work would be, for example, to group all of the races over the years that they declared a 70% chance of winning and see how often the favorites actually won.  It still wouldn't tell you for certain they were right (as errors could cancel out), but if it was 68% (vs. 50%), that would be a big point in their favor.  I agree with your statement on Trump - I don't see any way a reasonable model would have made him the favorite, but that gets to my next point...
  2. They are dependent upon polling, and I think that the uncertainties associated with this are understated.  In the last week I've seen polls that have Biden +18 and Biden +3.  One of those polls (at least) is just wrong.  They do the best they can with weighting polls and looking at who was accurate in the past, but you can only do so much, and if a bunch of pollsters have the electorate modelled wrong in the same way, it's going to make 538's result off.  Again, nothing they can really do about it, I just think it is underappreciated by many.
  3. Nate to his credit pointed this out in 2016, but in a national race the state poll errors to some extent are correlated.  If you looked in 2016 and saw Clinton had a >85% chance of winning each of Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan, the tendency is to treat them as independent outcomes and declare that the election is over because there's no way Trump "draws to an inside straight" over and over, to use one of the phrases I heard a lot.  We see it repeatedly in elections that the swing states typically swing together (e.g. 2012 when Obama overperformed a lot of the state polling).
TL/DR : I think 538 does good work, but I think people underestimate the amount of things that (largely outside of their control) can make their estimates shaky.

 
I'm starting to worry about PA again. 538 still has Biden with an 87% chance to win it but RCP shows Biden's lead dropping from +7.3 to +3.8 in the last 8 days. 

 
I actually like 538 a lot and think they do a really difficult task quite well, but I think people in general put too much weight in what they say without really gleaning a lot of the uncertainties.  My main beefs:

  1. Any percentage prediction is non falsifiable over only one result.  If I give you two dice and predict that you have a 20% chance of rolling an 8 or better, my model is wrong.  It doesn't matter whether you roll a 10 or a 3, and it's silly to after you roll a 10 declare that I was right because I said it might happen.  To your point, the only way to really check 538's work would be, for example, to group all of the races over the years that they declared a 70% chance of winning and see how often the favorites actually won.  It still wouldn't tell you for certain they were right (as errors could cancel out), but if it was 68% (vs. 50%), that would be a big point in their favor.  I agree with your statement on Trump - I don't see any way a reasonable model would have made him the favorite, but that gets to my next point...
  2. They are dependent upon polling, and I think that the uncertainties associated with this are understated.  In the last week I've seen polls that have Biden +18 and Biden +3.  One of those polls (at least) is just wrong.  They do the best they can with weighting polls and looking at who was accurate in the past, but you can only do so much, and if a bunch of pollsters have the electorate modelled wrong in the same way, it's going to make 538's result off.  Again, nothing they can really do about it, I just think it is underappreciated by many.
  3. Nate to his credit pointed this out in 2016, but in a national race the state poll errors to some extent are correlated.  If you looked in 2016 and saw Clinton had a >85% chance of winning each of Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan, the tendency is to treat them as independent outcomes and declare that the election is over because there's no way Trump "draws to an inside straight" over and over, to use one of the phrases I heard a lot.  We see it repeatedly in elections that the swing states typically swing together (e.g. 2012 when Obama overperformed a lot of the state polling).
TL/DR : I think 538 does good work, but I think people underestimate the amount of things that (largely outside of their control) can make their estimates shaky.
Part of the problem in making a predicative election model is that while there is one election, the components involve 50+ states and a handful of districts. Like we found out last time, a few thousand votes in key states swung the election. In pretty much 40 states, there is almost always a clear winner. The polls for the toss up states usually fall within the margin for error. Places like 538 then have to figure out in close polling state if the mix of people polled is right, what the bias in the polling organization bias leans, what the total turnout will be, what bump an incumbent gets, voting history, etc. In some states, it could easily come down to getting a single county right in predicting the winner of that state.

As for running the PA / WI / MI gambit, last time Trump barely won all of them. Even a minor defection to Biden would be enough for those to go blue this cycle. In that regard, I am not sure I buy into that if someone wins one, he will win all three.

 
I'm starting to worry about PA again. 538 still has Biden with an 87% chance to win it but RCP shows Biden's lead dropping from +7.3 to +3.8 in the last 8 days. 
I mentioned yesterday that RCP has most battleground states closer than 538, and others explained the different methodologies of how each site used or ignored polls. 538 has Biden +6.4 in PA (using the same polls as RCP). They also had Biden +7.3 a few days ago. Apparently they are reading the tea leaves differently.

ETA: It looks like RCP takes the simple average of the most recent 6 polls they have listed. In this case, the last 6 polling results in PA average out to +3.8.

 
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One of my biggest concerns is the electoral map  looking like this shortly after election night with PA taking several drama filled days to count votes.
Well, unless I'm off, Biden should get both electoral votes from Maine, which puts him at 259.  Then he only needs Arizona to get to 270.  Right now, Arizona is 50.9% for Biden and 47.8% for Trump according to 538. 

Yes, I know what you posted could happen, but I like the odds that it doesn't, especially with PA even more favored for Biden than Arizona.

 
Well, unless I'm off, Biden should get both electoral votes from Maine, which puts him at 259.  Then he only needs Arizona to get to 270.  Right now, Arizona is 50.9% for Biden and 47.8% for Trump according to 538. 

Yes, I know what you posted could happen, but I like the odds that it doesn't, especially with PA even more favored for Biden than Arizona.
Maine has a mostly statewide election for 2 electoral votes. But they also have elections in District 1 and District 2, each worth 1 electoral vote.
538 currently has Biden 90% to win the 2 electoral votes for the state, 98% to win District 1, and 51% to win District 2.

 
Is there any good swing state simulators out there where you can plug in an outcome and it spit out path to victory for each candidate? For example, if Biden wins Florida, how many other swing states does he need to win?

Nevermind, it’s already linked here.

 
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Did Hillary ever poll over 50%?  I don't think so which makes me feel like Biden's in a stronger position.  Also, polls look really good in mid-west for biden but Hilary collapsed there so we shall see how it ends up.   

 
Is there any good swing state simulators out there where you can plug in an outcome and it spit out path to victory for each candidate? For example, if Biden wins Florida, how many other swing states does he need to win?
While it is not a simulator, you can start with this roadmap from 538. With PA in the Biden column, Biden is at 278. If you want to give Trump the 20 electoral votes for PA, that would push Biden back to 258. The states they have leaning Biden are:

NE2 - 1
AZ - 11
FL - 29
NC - 15
ME2 - 1

There are also few other toss ups in GA (16), OH (18), and IA (6).

As for your question, if Biden wins FL (and holds on to the states where he is heavily favored and slotted in his column), that would give him 307 electoral votes. So Biden could lose OH and FL and still have multiple ways to still win. 

 
Did Hillary ever poll over 50%?  I don't think so which makes me feel like Biden's in a stronger position.  Also, polls look really good in mid-west for biden but Hilary collapsed there so we shall see how it ends up.   
I think at the end of the day the single biggest factor that will determine the election (outside maybe Covid) is that Biden isn't Hillary.  We can argue/discuss all you want about whether it was fair or not and whether it was something nefarious (like misogyny) or not but the fact was that there was a lot of hatred of Hillary.  She was not a good candidate to run against Trump.  Biden, with his warts and all, is.

 
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While it is not a simulator, you can start with this roadmap from 538. With PA in the Biden column, Biden is at 278. If you want to give Trump the 20 electoral votes for PA, that would push Biden back to 258. The states they have leaning Biden are:

NE2 - 1
AZ - 11
FL - 29
NC - 15
ME2 - 1

There are also few other toss ups in GA (16), OH (18), and IA (6).

As for your question, if Biden wins FL (and holds on to the states where he is heavily favored and slotted in his column), that would give him 307 electoral votes. So Biden could lose OH and FL and still have multiple ways to still win. 
Biden has several paths to victory.  Trump basically has to sweep FL/NC/OH/GA and then win 2 of 4 of PA/WI/MI/AZ*.  The former wouldn't surprise me if he does it.  I just don't see him doing the later.

*I think I have that right that he needs 2 of those 4 but I may be off on that.

 
Did Hillary ever poll over 50%?  I don't think so which makes me feel like Biden's in a stronger position.  Also, polls look really good in mid-west for biden but Hilary collapsed there so we shall see how it ends up.   
In the RCP average, Clinton briefly hit 50% nationally in April 2016, but that was it. In the Fivethirtyeight average, Biden is currently leading 52.2% — 42.0%. Two weeks away from election day 2016, Clinton was leading 45.8% -- 39.7%. Joe is definitely in a stronger position.

 
I think at the end of the day the single biggest factor that will determine the election (outside maybe Covid) is that Biden isn't Hillary.  We can argue/discuss all you want about whether it was fair or not and whether it was something nefarious (like misogyny) or not but the fact was that there was a lot of hatred of Hillary.  She was not a good candidate to run against Trump.  Biden, with his warts and all, is.
Agree with this which is why I point out the over 50% point.  It feels different if more than half the country likes him.  Honestly, I haven't followed all the state polling closely but if Biden gets like 51% of vote and Trump wins electoral college it is going to get ugly.  I really hope it doesn't happen.

 
In the RCP average, Clinton briefly hit 50% nationally in April 2016, but that was it. In the Fivethirtyeight average, Biden is currently leading 52.2% — 42.0%. Two weeks away from election day 2016, Clinton was leading 45.8% -- 39.7%. Joe is definitely in a stronger position.
When numbers are like that there is a lot of undecides out there.  It just doesn't feel the same but who really knows until all votes are counted.  

 
In the RCP average, Clinton briefly hit 50% nationally in April 2016, but that was it. In the Fivethirtyeight average, Biden is currently leading 52.2% — 42.0%. Two weeks away from election day 2016, Clinton was leading 45.8% -- 39.7%. Joe is definitely in a stronger position.
This was also near her best polling the entire election cycle. This is after Access Hollywood and before the Comey letter. 

 
Did Hillary ever poll over 50%?  I don't think so which makes me feel like Biden's in a stronger position.  Also, polls look really good in mid-west for biden but Hilary collapsed there so we shall see how it ends up.   
In the RCP average, Clinton briefly hit 50% nationally in April 2016, but that was it. In the Fivethirtyeight average, Biden is currently leading 52.2% — 42.0%. Two weeks away from election day 2016, Clinton was leading 45.8% -- 39.7%. Joe is definitely in a stronger position.
Hillary hit 50% in several individual polls, but her average would remain far below 50%. Looking at 538, I see 19 individual polls where Hillary hit 50% or more. By contrast, I just counted 250 national polls where Biden topped 50%. That bodes very well for Biden, but it doesn't mean much if Trump pulls off upsets in 3 states.

 
Unless it's some weird site no one's ever heard of there's basically no good poll result for Trump at this point. Fortunately our friends have their new thread to hang out in while they fantasize about a silent army of Trump voters carrying the day.

 
Battleground states -- early votes cast as percentage of total 2016 turnout:

Texas 51.4%
Georgia 40.7%
North Carolina 38.9%
Iowa 32.5%
Michigan 31.5%
Florida 31.3%
Wisconsin 30.8%
Arizona 29.6%
Ohio 21.6%
Nevada 18.2%
Pennsylvania 14.6%

 
Battleground states -- early votes cast as percentage of total 2016 turnout:

Texas 51.4%
Georgia 40.7%
North Carolina 38.9%
Iowa 32.5%
Michigan 31.5%
Florida 31.3%
Wisconsin 30.8%
Arizona 29.6%
Ohio 21.6%
Nevada 18.2%
Pennsylvania 14.6%
Early votes don't necessarily mean mail-in, right?  I'd love to see that breakdown (if it exists) because it's going to be a disaster if it takes weeks like some are predicting.

 
Also, and I promise I'm not giving you homework @caustic, but I wonder if we know the dates that polls were open/ballots were accepted by state.  The low number for Pennsylvania could be concerning but maybe they haven't been open for long.

 

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