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*** Official Russia vs. Ukraine Discussion - Invasion has begun *** (3 Viewers)


Britain estimates that 450,000 Russian military personnel have been killed or wounded and over 10,000 Russian armoured vehicles have been destroyed in Ukraine.

Leo Docherty Minister of State, Minister for the Armed Forces, responded:

“We estimate that approximately 450,000 Russian military personnel have been killed or wounded, and tens of thousands more have already deserted since the start of the conflict. The number of personnel killed serving in Russian private military companies (PMCs) is not clear.

We also estimate that over 10,000 Russian armoured vehicles, including nearly 3,000 main battle tanks, 109 fixed wing aircraft, 136 helicopters, 346 unmanned aerial vehicles, 23 naval vessels of all classes, and over 1,500 artillery systems of all types have been destroyed, abandoned, or captured by Ukraine since the start of the conflict.”

Russia attacks Ukraine's rail lines to disrupt supply of U.S. arms, source says

Russia is targeting Ukrainian rail lines with airstrikes to disrupt the delivery of desperately needed U.S. weapons to the front and complicate military logistics, a Kyiv intelligence source said on Friday.
The United States approved a $61 billion aid package for Ukraine this week and said the first deliveries should arrive in a matter of days, easing acute shortages of artillery shells that have hamstrung Kyiv's forces for months.

On Thursday, Ukrainian rail infrastructure was targeted by Russian strikes in the eastern Donetsk region, northeastern Kharkiv region and central Cherkasy region, the national rail company said.
The attack in Donetsk, which is the main focus of Russia's offensive in the east, killed three electrical mechanics working for the railway company and wounded four more, it said.

Ukrainian officials seldom provide detailed statements about strikes on sensitive military targets, but the Ukrainian intelligence source confirmed to Reuters there had been attacks on rail infrastructure aimed at disrupting the supply of weapons.
"Also, the overall complication of our logistics," the source added.


UAVs from the Security Service of Ukraine targeted the Kushchevsk military airfield and the Slavyansk and Ilsky refineries in the Krasnodar region, according to a person with knowledge of the operation who wasn’t authorized to speak publicly. Russian officials and media haven’t referred to the Ilsky facility.

The Slavyansk refinery is capable of processing 4 million tons of oil a year and is one of the closest facilities to war zone in eastern Ukraine. It was previously hit by drones in March along with many other large Russian refineries. Some of the affected facilities are still processing less than before the attacks.


The 47th Separate Mechanised Brigade of Ukraine's Armed Forces has dismissed as fake the report by the Associated Press that the Ukrainian Defence Forces have withdrawn US-supplied Abrams tanks from the battlefield due to the threat of Russian drone attacks.


The Ukrainian Air Force says that Russia launched 34 missiles overnight, including:
- 9 Kh-101 / Kh-555 from Tu-95MS strategic bombers
- 9 Kh-59 / Kh-69
- 2 S-300
- 2 Iskander-K
- 4 Kinzhal from MiG-31K aircraft
- 8 Kalibr cruise missiles
The increased use of Kh-59/69 missiles recently is notable.
 

Russian GPS jamming in and around Estonia having an increasing impact. For two days in a row planes are unable to land at the second biggest city in Estonia due to GPS jamming. Pretty disturbing.


Good thread (other link here): https://twitter.com/FRHoffmann1/status/1784228868431503489

This is another thread on the M48 & M57 ATACMS capability profile and why it is needed. It consolidates information from previous threads, corrects past mistakes, and provides a more robust analysis. And yes, the thread also talks about ATACMS' bridge-busting capability.👇🧵 1/21
The M48 and M57 ATACMS carry the 227kg WDU-18/B unitary warhead. This warhead includes 98 kg of DESTEX high explosives. With this data, we can determine the lethal radius (LR) for various structures based on target hardness and the required overpressure for destruction. 2/21
Most above-ground structures will crumble or collapse under an overpressure of 20 pounds per square inch (psi) caused by a high explosive detonation. The capacity to generate such overpressures is largely a function of the warhead's yield and its distance to the target. 3/21
The M48 and M57 ATACMS have a lethal radius of ~12.7m for 20psi targets. If the missile falls within 12.7m of its target, the target will likely be destroyed or severely damaged.

Whether the missile falls within that lethal radius, depends on its accuracy. 4/21
The accuracy of ATACMS, including the M48/M57 variants, is classified and not publicly disclosed.

In unclassified documents, an accuracy of 9m CEP is often mentioned. This would mean that, on average, 50% of ATACMS launched at a target will land within a 9m radius of it. 5/21
I consider the 9m CEP estimate to be on the higher end, meaning the unclassified CEP of ATACMS is probably lower, particularly for the M57 variant.

To address this uncertainty, along with uncertainties related to other variables, I employ an input distribution approach. 6/21
This graph indicates the single-shot kill probability (SSKP) of M48/M57 for 20psi targets, or the likelihood that one shot will result in one kill.

Random sampling is used to simulate a range of possible outcomes by varying input parameters according to specified distributions.
This approach eliminates the need to depend on individual parameter inputs, which can be inaccurate due to lack of access to classified information.

Based on the graph, the actual SSKP of M48 and M57 ATACMS for 20 psi targets falls within the range of 0.69-1.0, or 69-100%. 8/21
The peak of the curve on the right side of the X-axis shows that the true SSKP is significantly more likely to be between 0.95 and 1.0 than any other value.

Given the lack of access to classified data, this is our best estimate of M48 and M57 ATACMS capability profile. 9/21
Overall, this means that against regular 20 psi targets, or any softer target, M48/M57 ATACMS have a very high likelihood of achieving destruction with a single shot, as long as the missile is not intercepted or experiences a systemic error.

But what about bridge targets? 10/21
Bridge targets are unique due to their small surface area.

If the missile falls short/overshoots the target lengthwise, it may only punch a hole in the bridge deck (which would still cause damage). If it falls to the side, it will land in the water without causing damage. 11/21
A ballpark estimate is that a Kerch Bridge pillar represents a 10m^2 target, resulting in a 5m lethal radius.

M48/M57 have a lethal radius of ~12.7m for 20 psi targets, meaning that if the missile lands anywhere within 5m of the pillar, we can assume target destruction. 12/21
The likelihood of ATACMS achieving this level of accuracy strongly depends on its CEP.

If the CEP is 9m, the SSKP for a Kerch bridge target point is less than 0.2 or 20%. If the CEP is less than 4m, which may be realistic for the M57, the SSKP increases to >0.8. 13/21
The likelihood of target destruction, or P(kill), can be increased by launching more than one missile at the target, as shown below.

Depending on the CEP, even a relatively low number of M48/M57 ATACMS launched may produce a high likelihood of kill against a bridge target. 14/21
What does this mean?

This analysis suggests that the M48/M57 ATACMS would be highly effective against most, if not all, Russian above-ground structures in Ukraine.

As such, it could serve as an effective replacement for Ukraine's diminishing Storm Shadow/SCALP-EG arsenal. 15/21
This is crucial because, as I have previously highlighted, Ukraine will eventually deplete its supply of Storm Shadow/SCALP-EG cruise missiles.

Without resupply, Ukraine's long-range strike arsenal may encounter severe shortages by the year's end. 16/21

The analysis also demonstrates that unlike the German-Swedish Taurus KEPD-350 cruise missile, which in many ways is optimized to take down bridge targets, ATACMS is not the ideal weapon to destroy the Kerch Bridge. 17/21

This being said, depending on their accuracy, M48 and M57 ATACMS may have bridge-busting capability.

Whether or not they would be used for this purpose in my view depends on:

1) targeting restrictions imposed
2) operational needs and priorities
3) the unclassified CEP

18/21
In any case, the effectiveness of M48/M57 ATACMS against bridges may also be somewhat secondary.

What's crucial is the ability to target 🇷🇺 semi-hardened above-ground structures from long range (0.95-1.0 SSKP), even as 🇺🇦's Storm Shadow/SCALP-EG arsenal nears depletion. 19/21
Finally, M48/M57 ATACMS would allow 🇺🇦 to prioritize Storm Shadow/SCALP-EG strikes for targets demanding genuine hard-target kill capability.

That's why I hope that we will soon hear confirmation that the 🇺🇸 has delivered these variants or will do so in the near future. 20/21
As @ColbyBadhwar's excellent ATACMS thread shows, the 🇺🇸 has a substantial inventory of expired and unexpired M48 and M57 ATACMS.

Part of this could go to 🇺🇦, especially as production of ATACMS' successor, the Precision-Strike Missile, ramps up. 21/21


I had this confirmed by contacts back in August last year, but great that it's out in the open now.

Italy supplied together with France when it first made the decision to deliver SCALP-EG.

Russian think tank warns of stagnating industrial output, investment

Russia's industrial production and investments are stagnating, its exports of goods are continuing to deteriorate and profitability in most industries is declining, a think tank close to the government has said in a report.
The Centre for Macroeconomic Analysis and Short-Term Forecasting issued its downbeat assessment on Saturday, also warning about a shortage of imported components and raw materials.
Despite Russia's ongoing war in Ukraine, its economic performance last year exceeded the expectations of officials and analysts. But in its monthly analysis of macroeconomic trends for April, the centre said it saw signs of a deterioration in many indicators at the end of 2023 and the beginning of 2024.
The emerging trends are a cause for concern, it said, while long-term challenges to the economy need solutions “here and now.”

“In most of the main types of activity, the transition to stagnation has either already occurred or is increasingly visible,” it noted, adding that high interest rates were beginning to slow the growth of consumer demand, seen as a key driver of economic growth.
In January and February, consumer activity fell by 0.2%, excluding seasonality, according to think tank's data.
February was the fourth month in a row when investment activity had stagnated, it added, something it partly blamed on what it called the exhaustion of previous “growth ideas”.
Earlier investment projects have focused on infrastructure, import substitution, the military-industrial complex and housing, but lending conditions are now tighter and profitability in a number of industrial sectors has dropped.
Profitability could fall further, hurting investment prospects even more given the difficulties of private-public co-financing projects, the centre warned.
Import restrictions due to Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine and problems with payments were a further obstacle as some businesses were critically dependent on the supply of components and raw materials, it said.
"The possibilities of 'cheap' (non-capital-intensive and non-innovative) import substitution have largely been exhausted. Next, investments are needed,” the report said.
Russia can no longer rely on energy revenues and cheap labour for economic growth due to sanctions on hydrocarbons and a shortage of personnel, it said.

One solution, the report suggested, would be to increase labour productivity by further automation and the greater use of digital technology and robots.
 
Kyiv's top general says fighting in east Ukraine worsens, troops fall back

Fighting in eastern Ukraine has worsened and Kyiv's troops have fallen back to new positions in at least three places along the front, Ukraine's top general said on Sunday.
Russian troops have been steadily advancing in the east, with the focal point of fighting near the town of Chasiv Yar and northwest of Avdiivka, which Russian forces captured in February.
Oleksandr Syrskyi said on Telegram that his troops had taken up new positions west of the villages of Berdychi and Semenivka, both north of Avdiivka, and Novomykhailivka, further south near the town of Maryinka.
"In general, the enemy achieved certain tactical successes in these areas, but could not gain operational advantages," he said.
Syrskyi added that freshly rested Ukrainian brigades were being rotated in those areas to replace units that had suffered losses.


Thread (other link here): https://twitter.com/RALee85/status/1783972910333407356

Some thoughts about the supplemental bill. This is good news, but it will primarily help Ukraine defend in 2024 and into 2025. Russia will still likely make further gains this year, and it doesn't fix all of Ukraine's issues. It should be seen as one part of a long-term strategy.
Ukraine has had three main problems since Russia seized the initiative in October: ammunition, manpower, and fortifications. Ukraine is making progress building fortifications and multiple defensive lines, but defenses on many of the key parts of the front are still underdeveloped, contributing to Russian advances. 2/
The bill and first PDA aid package announced this week will provide a quick boost to Ukraine's defenses. But it is important to keep in mind that the limitations aren't just appropriated funds but also production capacity and size of stockpiles. Greater artillery ammunition deliveries will help reduce Russia's 5-6:1 artillery advantage, but it will not give Ukraine parity. 3/
The PDA package will also provide other critical ammunition like anti-tank mines and Javelin/TOW ATGMs. Recent Russian advances have demonstrated that increased numbers of FPVs cannot replace artillery, mines, and ATGMs. Russia's assault on Vuhledar in 2023 and Ukraine's offensive last summer demonstrated how effective mines can be for defending forces. 4/

Further deliveries of armored vehicles will also be important. Many Ukrainian brigades don't have sufficient armored vehicles, and combat losses often aren't replaced. This leads to higher casualties. Bradleys are very popular, armored humvees will help, and further M113 would be very useful for CASEVAC. 5/

Air defense is another critical Ukrainian need. Russia has resumed its missile campaign against Ukrainian energy infrastructure and UMPK glide bombs, which played a key role in Russia's seizure of Avdiivka, are a serious problem. More recently, Russian Su-25 attack aircraft have been operating closer to the front than normal, which indicates a lack of SHORAD and MANPADS. 6/

The USAI package announced today includes Patriot and NASAMS missiles and the PDA included Stinger MANPADS and RIM-7/AIM-9M missiles reportedly for FrankeSAM systems. Stingers could help push Su-25 further from the front line, and Patriots are critical both for defending cities and infrastructure from Russian ballistic missiles and also to counter Russian Su-34 bombers that drop UMPK glide bombs. 7/

The question is whether production of these missiles is sufficient to meet Ukraine's continued air defense needs over time, especially with increased Russian production of Shahed UAS and missiles. F-16 fighters and their airbases will be another priority target for Russian missiles that will require air defense coverage. It also depends how successful the various FrankenSAM programs prove to be. 8/

Manpower has become the most pressing issue though, which was exacerbated by reduced deliveries of ammunition and equipment over the winter. Ukraine's summer offensive primarily culminated when it ran out of infantry, and Ukraine has struggled to replace combat losses since then. 9/

This means that Ukrainian brigades are understrength, and Ukraine lacks sufficient reserves to respond to Russian advances, so units are pulled from one part of the front to attempt to stop advances elsewhere. Ukrainian infantry need to be rotated more often or there will be a growing risk of exhaustion. 10/

Ukraine has passed a new mobilization bill that provides incentives for volunteers and increases the pool of men available to be drafted. Hopefully, this will improve the manpower situation, but it will take time to mobilize and train soldiers/units. 11/

More concerning is that the manpower issue has been known for some time, but has not been fixed. The longer it takes to improve the manpower situation, the less likely it becomes that Ukraine can conduct a offensive in 2025. The new NATO-trained/equipped brigades last summer did not have enough time to train together, and Russian defenses will still be strong. New soldiers/units need to be mobilized to replace current losses and trained for 2025. 12/
At the same time, one of the most important factors in the war last year was that Russia was able to significantly improve its manpower situation, recruiting more than 300,000 volunteers. 13/

It isn't just involuntary mobilized soldiers and prisoners, they are mostly getting volunteers who are willing to go into costly assaults. The quality, of course, varies, but the quantitative advantage is a serious problem. 14/

Without this manpower advantage, Russia's artillery and airpower advantage would not be sufficient for Russia to make gains on the battlefield. The relative manpower situation is likely the most important factor that will determine the war's trajectory, particularly if Russia can sustain recruiting 20-30k a month. 15/
The immediate problem is that Russia continues to advance on the battlefield, and has reached important locations while Ukraine faced ammunition shortages. Russia is bringing up reserves to Chasiv Yar, and will likely soon begin an assault on the city. 16/

Russian forces are also expanding their foothold in Ocheretyne, which threatens Ukrainian positions nearby, and they have advanced into Krasnohrivka and have made recent gains on the Marinka-Novomykhailivka front. 16/

Even with increased ammunition deliveries/expenditure, Ukraine might not be able to hold Chasiv Yar and other of these towns/cities, and Russia faces more favorable terrain once they get past Chasiv Yar, which could lead to an increase in the rate of advance. If Chasiv Yar falls, it will also put Ukrainian positions south of the city at risk. This is true for further Russian advances elsewhere. The delays in aid/mobilization have been costly. 18/
If Ukraine can stabilize the front and fix the manpower situation in 2024 when Russia has a number of advantages, 2025 could be more favorable because Western production capacity will increase and Russian equipment losses could become a greater issue. If the manpower situation does not improve, then the second half of 2024 will likely be more difficult for Ukraine than the first half. 19/
This bill will be vital, but it needs to be part of a broader long-term strategy for Ukraine. Western countries need to consider how to help Ukraine compensate for Russia's current advantages, including increased deliveries of long-range missiles. 20/


The RIM-7 and AIM-9M are known more commonly as Sea Sparrow and Sidewinder missiles, respectively, and both are highly effective air defense weapons that can target both enemy aircraft and enemy missiles.

The Sea Sparrow is typically fired from a ship-based launcher, while the Sidewinder from a fighter jet.

Western nations, particularly the U.S., hold large quantities of both missiles but faced a fundamental problem in supplying them to Ukraine – Ukraine has no ships from which to launch Sea Sparrows, and its Soviet-era fighter jets were not compatible with Western missile systems.

Enter FrankenSAM, a U.S.-led initiative to enable Ukraine's decades-old Soviet missile launchers to fire new Western missiles.

According to the media, Ukrainian BUKs have been adapted to fire Sea Sparrow missiles and Osa's for Sidewinders.

They scored their first publicly-known success in January when one of the systems – it is not known which – shot down a Russian-launched Shahed kamikaze drone at a distance of roughly eight kilometers (five miles).

A third FrankenSAM project combining Patriot systems with Soviet-era radar systems is also reportedly in the works.
 

Not all lessons from Ukraine will apply to NATO militaries, but this is one that will. Russian Orlan ISR UAVs are not very sophisticated but they are cheap and easy to produce. That means Russia produces them in large numbers and they are expendable. But many of the current countermeasures are more expensive and scarcer. So Ukraine generally can't launch SHORAD or MANPADS to shoot them down, giving Russia persistent ISR coverage behind Ukrainian lines. MANPADS also are not optimized for defeating them. Developing cost-effective countermeasures should be a priority.

Thread (other link here): https://twitter.com/Tatarigami_UA/status/1784291236188160441

Why have Russian forces advanced in multiple directions and what are the implications? What are the future prospects? Today's analysis by Frontelligence Insight centers on Chasiv Yar, Kurakhkove, and Ocheretyne

Before proceeding, please like and share to aid visibility. 🧵Thread
2/ Ukrainian forces retreated from Ocheretyne and Solovyove. While the 115th brigade was blamed, the core issue is that many brigades are not in a condition to hold the enemy with disproportional advantage in personnel, artillery, vehicles, and air support along the frontline
3/ Our team has received reports of poor communication, coordination, and leadership. These problems are rooted in deeper systemic issues, like personnel shortages and challenges in preparing skilled officers for senior roles promptly and in holding them accountable
4/ Our assessment suggests that Russians are attempting to flank and launch a frontal assault on Chasiv Yar, similar to Bakhmut and Avdiivka. Additional Russian troops are reinforcing the area, likely aiming to take over the southern and northern sectors of Chasiv Yar.
5/ If Chasiv Yar falls to Russia, particularly the southern part, they could advance towards Kostyantynivka, disrupting logistics for the force south of Bakhmut. The situation could worsen if Russians move from Ocheretyne towards the road as well.
6/ In the Vuhledar-Donetsk area, Russians aim to cut off Kurakhove - a key logistical hub. The establishment of fire control over the road might severe logistics to Kurakhove. The loss of Kurakhove can put the entire grouping of forces in the Vuhledar area into a risky situation.
7/ Russians are trying to exploit the current unfavorable situation to achieve ambitious operational goals. How did Ukraine find itself in this situation? It's the result of several factors: delayed mobilization efforts, delayed Western aid, and inadequate fortifications
8/ Trenches provide good protection, but with the excessive use of munition-dropping and kamikaze drones, it's crucial to have proper top cover for dugouts and trenches, along with concrete structures and drone-catching nets. It requires resources that understaffed brigades lack
9/ Can the Russians realistically achieve these objectives in 2024? According to the military theory, once defenses are breached, mechanized units can exploit the opening and move into an "operational space" - a geographical area where units can relatively freely maneuver.
10/ Overall, due to losses in vehicles and problematic frontline logistics, the Russian army is unlikely to conduct deep maneuvers into Ukrainian territory as they did during the initial invasion stage. Instead, they will likely focus on attempting to envelop Ukrainian forces
11/ The situation on the frontline is expected to stabilize with the arrival of new ammunition, weaponry, and freshly mobilized but trained recruits. However, it is unlikely that we will see stabilization anytime soon, as it takes time to arm, train, and prepare new recruits
12/ The situation should not be taken lightly, as the Russian military still has a reserve force equivalent to at least two corps, which could be deployed anywhere, including the Kharkiv and Sumy oblasts, or to reinforce existing axes of advance if weak spots are identified.
13/ It's one of the most favorable situations for Russia. Failing to capitalize on it would be an indication of their inability to achieve their goal of seizing the entire Donbas region in the foreseeable future. This, in turn, could force a reassessment of their own end goals


Damage from a Ukrainian strike on Russia’s Kushchyovskaya air base is visible in new high resolution satellite imagery.

This site is more than 200 kilometers from the front line in Ukraine.
Destroyed Russian glide bomb kits are visible in footage from the ground following the strike.
Geolocated footage of the destroyed Russian glide bomb kits at this site and satellite imagery from today show Ukraine's recent strike damaged several different areas at Russia's Kushchyovskaya air base.
 


The US has purchased 81 Soviet-era combat aircraft from Kazakhstan, the Kyiv Post reports.
  • Kazakhstan, a historic ally of Russia, is engaging more with Western nations.
  • The planes could be used for spare parts or deployed as decoys in conflict regions, the Post said.

Kazakhstan, which is upgrading its air fleet, auctioned off 117 Soviet-era fighter and bomber aircraft, including MiG-31 interceptors, MiG-27 fighter bombers, MiG-29 fighters, and Su-24 bombers from the 1970s and 1980s.

The declared sale value was one billion Kazakhstani tenge, said the Post, or $2.26 million, equalling an average value for each plane of $19,300.
 
It's time to really start pummeling Russia or let Ukraine fall. The idea of spending 10's of billions to eventually lose is assinine.
I'd rather not start WW3 at this point, mmkay?
Like I said, if you are advocating keeping this war going as we are, it's assinine
Please drop this line as it is overtly political and I don't want this thread axed. I think many folks have very different views on the topic and you are basically inviting debate.
 

Not all lessons from Ukraine will apply to NATO militaries, but this is one that will. Russian Orlan ISR UAVs are not very sophisticated but they are cheap and easy to produce. That means Russia produces them in large numbers and they are expendable. But many of the current countermeasures are more expensive and scarcer. So Ukraine generally can't launch SHORAD or MANPADS to shoot them down, giving Russia persistent ISR coverage behind Ukrainian lines. MANPADS also are not optimized for defeating them. Developing cost-effective countermeasures should be a priority.

The german Gepard seems like a good answer as it is clearly not meant for shoting down modern aircraft but good old fashion anti-aircraft guns make sense. Reports are they work well against drones. Wonder how many of those still exist out there though.
 

We're suspending our flights to Tartu from 29 April until May 31. The approach methods currently used at Tartu Airport are based on a GPS signal and GPS interference in the area affects the usability of this method.

This says Finnair is the only airline operating international flights to Tartu.


Ukrainian Telegram channel DeepState reported Russian advances toward Novooleksandrivka and in/around Novokalynove and Keramik but said Ukraine repelled Russian attacks toward Novopokrovs’ke.

The channel noted that whereas it expected Russia to try to encircle the Ukrainian units south of Ocheretyne, Russia is instead attacking toward Kostyantynivka.

Russia may hope to reach Kostyantynivka from both the SW and NE after taking Chasiv Yar, enveloping the Torets’k area.


U.S.-provided precision-guided munitions have failed in mission after mission in Ukraine, taken down by Russian electronic warfare. On Wednesday, the Pentagon revealed the latest casualty.

A new ground-launched version of an air-to-ground weapon developed for Ukraine on a rapid timeline failed to hit targets in part because of Russian electro-magnetic warfare, Bill LaPlante, the Pentagon's acquisition chief, said at an event held by think tank CSIS.

LaPlante suggested that Ukraine may no longer be interested in the weapon. “When you send something to people in the fight of their lives that just doesn’t work, they’ll try it three times and they’ll just throw it aside,” said LaPlante.

The weapon LaPlante is referring to is very likely the Ground-Launched Small Diameter Bomb (GLSDB) based on his description, according to Bryan Clark, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute.

A Boeing spokesperson did not confirm that LaPlante was referring to GLSDB, but said the company is “working closely with the [Defense Department] on spiral capability improvements to the ground-launch SDB system.” Spiral capability improvements refers to an iterative software development process.

The GLDSB boasts a range of 90 miles—double the range of the Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System (GMRLS) missiles Ukraine previously used to wreak havoc on Russia’s logistic centers. Funding for the weapon was approved in February 2023, and Ukraine was reportedly using the weapon by February 2024.

The weapon relies on GPS to navigate to its targets. It also has an inertial navigation system, which navigates to a target by estimating its position through the use of accelerometers and other devices.

But it is not the first GPS-guided weapon to fall afoul of Russian electronic warfare.

In congressional testimony in March, Hudson Institute Senior Fellow Daniel Patt said the targeting system for the GPS-guided Excalibur round “dropped from 70 percent effectiveness to 6 percent effectiveness over a matter of a few months as new EW mechanisms came out” in Ukraine. Patt cited the work of Jack Watling, an expert at think-tank RUSI who has traveled to Ukraine multiple times to interview Ukrainian commanders.
 

A wave of Ukrainian long-range weapons widely reported to be around a dozen US-made ATACMS ballistic missiles pounded air bases and air defense installations across Crimea peninsula early Tuesday morning, in one of the beefiest Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) long-range attacks yet against the Kremlin-occupied territory.

Flights of unidentified weapons first started slamming into military installations across Crimea around 2 a.m., with explosions and air raid warnings widely reported near the cities of Simferopol and Sevastopol, and the towns of Gvardeyska, Evpatoria and Dzhankoi, news reports said.

Four of those targets, the exception being Dzhankoi, were well outside the range of all weapons the AFU had been known to operate in the past, save recently delivered long-range versions of the US-made ATACMS missile.
Estimates of total missile counts used in the attacks ranged from 10-15 weapons, some carrying cluster munitions.

Isolated reports said shorter-range ATACMS struck targets nearer territory controlled by Kyiv’s forces, and that Ukrainian strike planners had launched attack drones along with the American missiles.

Ukrainian Air Force spokespersons had not responded to a Kyiv Post request for details about the strikes and type of weapon or weapons used in the Tuesday attacks, by the time this article was published.

Colonel Roman Svitun, a retired AFU officer and military analyst, told the Kyiv24 television news channel in a Tuesday interview that the early morning strikes are probably part of a Kyiv strategy to degrade Russian air defenses in Crimea and in the south Ukrainian mainland, with the long-term objective of opening the way for destructive missile and drone attacks against other military targets.

The Ukrainian strikes overnight were most likely follow-up attacks to ATACMS fired at Russian air defense installations near the mainland cities Genichesk and Mariupol earlier in the month, Svitun said.

“It certainly could have been ATACMS,” he said of the Tuesday strikes. “They have the capacity to hit anywhere.”

Official Russian sources confirmed the fact of multiple attacks by Ukrainian ballistic missiles, and some claimed all incoming weapons were shot down. Sergei Aksenov, the Kremlin-appointed head of the Crimea occupation administration, said of an attack near Simferopol that “after the ATACMS missiles were shot down they scattered cluster munitions,” and warned residents not to touch them.


The debris from a missile that landed in the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv on Jan. 2 was from a North Korean Hwasong-11 series ballistic missile, United Nations sanctions monitors told a Security Council committee in a report seen by Reuters on Monday.


Germany has handed over 10 Marder infantry fighting vehicles, a Skynex air defense system, ammunition for Leopard 2 tanks, IRIS-T SLM air defense missiles, and other aid in its latest aid delivery to Ukraine, the German government said on April 29.

The latest tranche further included over 29,000 rounds for Gepard anti-aircraft systems, 7,500 155 mm artillery shells, 18,000 rounds of 40 mm ammunition, and an unspecified number of 120 mm mortar ammunition.

Berlin also delivered a TRML-4D radar system, six Oshkosh M1070 tank transporters, 3,000 RGW 90 portable grenade launchers, and 100,000 first aid kits.

Ukraine further received a Beaver bridge-laying tank, a Dachs armored engineering vehicle, nine mine-clearing systems, an AMPS protection system for helicopters, 60 outboard motors, 600 LED lamps, almost 2,000 camouflage nets, and 2,000 ponchos.
 

The Israeli Air Force is set to bid farewell to its aging Patriot missile defense systems in the coming months, replacing the batteries with more advanced air defenses, the military said Tuesday.

In February, the IAF said it was in the process of closing several Patriot batteries, and its staff would be trained to operate the Iron Dome instead.

According to an article published Tuesday on the Israeli military’s website, the Patriot array — known in the IAF as Yahalom, Hebrew for “diamond” — will be deactivated for good within two months.

“We are currently in the process of reducing the [number of] batteries until the entire system is closed,” said the head of the Aerial Defense Array’s 138th Battalion, which operates the Patriot.

^Perhaps these can go to Ukraine?


Russian milblogger Rybar reports that Ukrainian forces have fired over 30 ATACMS at Russian targets in Crimea over the past two weeks.

Last night, Ukrainian forces reportedly hit targets around Dzhankoy Airbase and Gvardeyskoye Airbase with 12 ATACMS.


In a new update, the UK government confirmed that the MOD has delivered 50 AS-90 155mm self propelled howitzers to Ukraine.

Britain has now supplied roughly 2/3 of its AS-90 fleet to Ukraine.
 

The Israeli Air Force is set to bid farewell to its aging Patriot missile defense systems in the coming months, replacing the batteries with more advanced air defenses, the military said Tuesday.

In February, the IAF said it was in the process of closing several Patriot batteries, and its staff would be trained to operate the Iron Dome instead.

According to an article published Tuesday on the Israeli military’s website, the Patriot array — known in the IAF as Yahalom, Hebrew for “diamond” — will be deactivated for good within two months.

“We are currently in the process of reducing the [number of] batteries until the entire system is closed,” said the head of the Aerial Defense Array’s 138th Battalion, which operates the Patriot.

^Perhaps these can go to Ukraine?


Russian milblogger Rybar reports that Ukrainian forces have fired over 30 ATACMS at Russian targets in Crimea over the past two weeks.

Last night, Ukrainian forces reportedly hit targets around Dzhankoy Airbase and Gvardeyskoye Airbase with 12 ATACMS.


In a new update, the UK government confirmed that the MOD has delivered 50 AS-90 155mm self propelled howitzers to Ukraine.

Britain has now supplied roughly 2/3 of its AS-90 fleet to Ukraine.
I wonder if this is the US behind it brokering a transfer... if so, brilliant! If not... what the hell. Get on it.
 

The Times of Israel story does not say what will happen with the Patriot batteries once they are in storage. We've reached out to the IDF and Israeli Defense Ministry to find out more. The IDF would not provide comment. We also contacted U.S. Central Command and Air Forces Central Command to see if the U.S. military has been read into this decision and if they have any knowledge of what might become of the stored Patriots. In addition, we inquired with the Ukrainian Air Force and Defense Intelligence Directorate to see if they have been approached about Israel's Patriots.

A former commander of the 10th U.S. Army Air and Missile Defense, Command Commander who was responsible for supporting the defense of Israel against air and missile attacks, suggested to The War Zone that the U.S. or another nation could obtain them and ship them to Ukraine.

"I am not surprised [that the Israeli Patriots are being mothballed] due to their age and the more capable (and modern) David’s Sling, said David Shank, referring to the mid-tier hit-to-kill system which achieved its first operational interception against a rocket launched from the Gaza Strip last year.
"I think the prudent move is Israel selling these to a third party and then they end up in Ukraine," said Shank. "I would not be surprised if the U.S., Germany, Poland or the Netherlands would ask for the systems and/or interceptors."

Thread on Russian jamming (thread reader link here): https://twitter.com/auonsson/status/1785045420185473079

The GPS-jammer affecting aircrafts around Estonia is located in Russia, about halfway to St Petersburg from Narva, Estonia.

This is shown by plotting the highest density of intersecting radio horizons of jammed aircrafts on a map.

Further, a drone-based method supports it.🧵
The GPS-jammer affecting aircrafts around Estonia is located in Russia, about halfway to St Petersburg from Narva, Estonia.

This can be shown by plotting the highest density of intersecting radio horizons of jammed aircrafts on a map.

Further, a drone-based method supports it.
This is a more zoomed in view of the likeliest position of the GPS-jammer operating around Estonia and recently famous for causing the brand new Helsinki - Tartu flight line to cease operating.

See this and linked posts for methodology.

This took some time to make so I will continue the thread tomorrow with drones, more radio horizons and closer explanations.

Data available if interest is shown. Stay tuned.
I should add. The jammer over Estonia is very different in scope and temporal profile. A higher proportion of aircrafts are affected around Estonia and the jammer is almost always on. See plots.
Proportion measure (%) is a bit skewed during nights though, because there are so few planes in the air. And this effect is even stronger around Estonia. Plots show last months total number of observations for respective area.


The mix of attacks on strategic facilities and systematic strikes with guided bombs on the front-line areas indicates that Moscow sees a “window of opportunity” when Ukrainian air defense forces may be most vulnerable, said director of Defense Express Center Serhii Zgurets to the Kyiv Independent.

According to Mykhailo Liuksikov, editor-in-chief of Ukrainian defense media outlet Militarnyi, the March-April attacks indicate Russia’s ability to adapt its long-range strike strategy.
The expert specifies that the location and concentration of Ukrainian air defense systems have been adjusted taking into account previous Russian attacks when they tried to hit targets deep inside the country.

“They have changed tactics, if they used to be able to hit Lviv, western Ukraine with Shaheds, now the same drones are used to hit Kharkiv, which is close to the contact line. The concentration of air defense and missile defense assets that we have was adjusted to the past attacks in the rear," Liuksikov said.

With only Russia producing spare parts and missiles for Soviet systems, it became a challenge for Ukraine and Western partners to find ways to keep these systems operational.

Kyiv is working on two ways to solve this problem, according to Colonel Hennadii Kovalenko, director of the Defense Ministry’s Department of International Defense Cooperation.

Kovalenko’s team continues to look for missiles for the older systems “around the world,” with the help of third-party countries like the U.S. and U.K., he said to the Kyiv Independent.

Ukraine, in partnership with the U.S., has also launched the FrankenSAM project, which aims to integrate Western missiles into Soviet systems.

Under FrankenSAM, three programs are in the works: the modernization of the S-300 to use Patriot’s PAC-3 modification missiles, the modernization of the Buk to use the RIM-7 Sea Sparrow missiles, as well as the development of a new complex for the use of AIM-9 missiles.

“I don't want to say numbers, but the first two directions are being successfully implemented, and we can already use Western missiles for Soviet-era SAMs,” Kovalenko said.
 

Correction: Per SIPRI, Israel received 4 Patriot batteries from Germany as well, which would make a total of 7. 👀

The US & Europe need to come together to get these back from Israel so that they can be sent to Ukraine.


Russian forces continue their advance around Ocheretyne, capturing Novokalynove and Keramik, and towards Urozhaine. The grey zone in Robotyne also increased.


Today Ukrainian unit 18th Slovyansk Brigade published a video where russians has crossed a the canal near Chasiv Yar.

The situation is worsening for Ukraine, but it's not yet critical in Chasiv Yar.

I have spoken with our defenders on that axis, they say that russians crossed the canal before on BMPs as well, but so far they can't hold the ground.

Poor fortifications, lack of infantry and ammo deficit are contributing to the worsening of the situation.

If ammo issue is expected to be solved soon by the partners, other issues have to be addressed by Ukrainian forces themselves.

Some video in this thread: https://twitter.com/DanielR33187703/status/1785403818517369037

1. The #Ukrainian company Steel Hornets has been working on interesting munitions for Ukraine’s #drones. These include incendiaries that burn but do not explode. An interesting feature is that these munitions start burning as soon as they are dropped.


10th Group now trains hundreds of Ukrainians a month, VanAntwerp said. Some receive highly specialized training: learning to operate drones, to shoot them down, or to use other equipment. Other groups learn to attack targets selected by Ukrainian special forces.

“I've gone at two in the morning on boats, hitting fake targets, up rivers in different countries with 20 Ukrainians,” said VanAntwerp. “Three weeks later, they're doing real missions on rivers.”

Some of the Ukrainians they train are seasoned special operators, but many are freshly enlisted. One battalion commander had received his post after two predecessors were killed. Other than a few trusted officers, most of the soldiers in his unit were new.

“More often than not, it was more basic training, and it was more people that were just coming off the street,” VanAntwerp said.

Training in many cases was collaborative, VanAntwerp said, with Ukrainian and U.S. soldiers learning from each other. Ukrainian soldiers frequently told his troops which American tactics wouldn’t work on the battlefields of Ukraine.

“It was 50/50: you teach us, we teach you,” he said.

VanAntwerp said sometimes the best thing the Americans were doing for their Ukrainian counterparts was simply giving them a safe area to practice certain types of operations, such as assaulting trenches.

“A lot of times, you're sitting there watching as they teach their guys,” he said.

Because the U.S. has no forces inside Ukraine, VanAntwerp said, 10th Group trainers often find themselves playing a frustrating game of telephone as they try to gauge the needs, numbers, and equipment of the Ukrainian units headed their way. Some arrive short of troops; some bring extra. One unit arrived with more mortars than expected, forcing the trainers to scramble to get enough rounds for practice.

“You almost always ended up with some of that confusion at the beginning of every course,” he said.

The calls don’t stop when the Ukrainians return home to fight, VanAntwerp said. The trained-up units get a phone-a-friend line back to 10th Group, allowing them to reach back for advice when, say, facing a tough objective.

They would ask “what would you do if you were us?” he said.

Among VanAntwerp’s top priorities are drones and counter-drone equipment, both key features of the war in Ukraine. He also cited more niche but increasingly discussed topics, such as battlefield deception: for example, simulating army formations to draw an enemy’s attention away from real units.

“We [have] to figure out how to do that at scale and coordinated,” he said.

VanAntwerp cautioned against taking Ukraine as a perfect model for future wars. He noted that Russia had not succeeded in shutting off the pipeline of Western weapons that flows to Ukraine. The U.S. might not be so lucky in a confrontation with China over Taiwan.

Among the chief lessons he’s taken from Ukraine, though, is the speed at which innovation must occur. Weapons used in Ukraine must make a big impact on the first day they’re used, he said. By day two, Russia will be working on a counter-measure.

U.S. defense officials have frequently said that Russia is able to find counter-measures to U.S. weapons, including precision-guided munitions.

“The thought of us having an asymmetric advantage because of the new piece of kit for like six months — it just won't happen,” he said.

VanAntwerp said he took two more lessons from Ukraine’s resilience in the face of heavy losses. First, that the U.S. public must understand that a future war could mean tens of thousands of American casualties. Second, military leaders must learn to handle the emotional fallout.
 

According to the usually well-informed Ukrainian analyst Konstantin Mashovets, Russian forces near Avdiivka enjoy a 3-4x advantage in weapons/equipment and an up to 6x advantage in manpower. He says Russia has three motor rifle regiments in reserve in the Avdiivka area. Russia’s tactical successes NW of Avdiivka are gradually turning into operational-tactical success, he warns, as Russia is expanding the width and depth of its breakthrough. Noting that the pace of Russian advances is gradually increasing, he suggests Ukrainian forces in this area are exhausted.

Mashovets predicts that Russia will soon shift its main effort from the Ocheretyne area to the area directly north of Avdiivka, attempting to advance on both sides of the Yasynuvata-Kostyantynivka highway to reach Stara Mykolaivka (formerly known as Pravdivka) and Sukha Balka. [DeepState said something similar the other day—see below.] The eventual goal will be to envelop the Torets’k area in concert with forces pushing southward from the Chasiv Yar area. He thinks that if Russia instead were to continue pushing NW of Avdiivka, it would eventually be stopped [presumably he means before reaching Pokrovsk] while leaving Russian forces vulnerable on their flanks.


hromadske: A month has passed since Russia's most powerful attack on Kharkiv, when virtually all critical energy infrastructure was destroyed. Has the situation been stabilized so far? What is the situation with electricity and water supply?
Oleg Synegubov: There are only scheduled outages now, as we still have a shortage of electricity for 200,000-300,000 subscribers in Kharkiv and the region. On average, people have no electricity for two to four hours a day. How long we will have to live in such conditions will depend on the pace of recovery. It is ongoing now, but the damage is quite significant. That's why we don't give any deadlines. In particular, in order not to inform the enemy.

As for critical infrastructure, it has not stopped working. Even during a complete blackout, we have an autonomous power supply. This includes water utilities and sewage treatment plants. Further, of course, we will strengthen and stabilize. However, this is subject to one condition: if there are no repeated hits on our energy system.

Western insurers say Russian oil price cap doesn't work

A group of Western insurers has said a Russian oil price cap has become unenforceable and only pushed more ships into joining a shadow fleet, delivering one of the harshest rebukes to the measure that had been meant to cut revenue to the Kremlin.
The G7 group of industrialised nations approved a price cap for Russian oil after Washington lobbied to curb the Kremlin's revenue amid the war in Ukraine while keeping Russian oil flowing to avoid a an energy price spike.

The International Group of P&I Clubs said in a statement the price cap has had little success since being introduced two years ago as Russia has switched to its own fleet as well as ships outside Western oversight.
The statement was submitted as written evidence to a UK parliamentary hearing on Tuesday. The group says it comprises 12 marine third-party liability insurers covering 87% of the world's ocean-going tonnage.
"The oil price cap appears increasingly unenforceable as more ships and associated services move into this parallel trade. We estimate around 800 tankers have already left the International Group Clubs as a direct result of the introduction of the oil price cap," the statement said.
U.S. and European Union officials consider the price cap to have succeeded in cutting revenue to Russia while keeping oil flowing and avoiding a price shock.
Enforcement of the price cap by the U.S. Treasury has reduced the number of ships that are willing to carry Russian crude, complicating Russian efforts to sell it and get profits.
However, Tom Keatinge, director of the Royal United Services Institute's Centre for Finance and Security, told the hearing: "Within the reach of the UK and the G7 there are insurers who are providing insurance that is in breach of the oil price cap".
"These are names that should be being added to the sanctions list and should be drawn to the attention of the international community that dealing with that particular insurance company is going to get you into hot water," he added, without naming any firms.
 

Britain is open to the idea of supplying made-in-China drone components to Ukraine, a UK official said Tuesday. It's a notion that reflects Ukrainian pragmatism but runs counter to U.S. policy.

“We are less concerned by…Chinese componentry” within drones, the UK official told reporters in Washington, D.C.. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive topics.

Britain’s choice is informed by Ukrainian requirements, the UK official added, which favor tactically useful equipment over less effective and expensive Western products.

“I’d rather not pay ten times the amount” for an inferior product just because it had no Chinese components, said the UK official.

U.S. soldiers have similarly noted that the cost of Blue UAS drones makes it harder to acquire them.

The Western official did not say where Britain would get the drones for Ukraine, but implied that Western funds might eventually be used to support domestic Ukrainian production of drones. Ukraine has a large cottage drone industry that uses Chinese components to make FPVs.

The Ukrainians “want us to enable them to produce their systems, ultimately,” the official said, meaning defense systems in general.


Russia is intensifying its efforts to seize Chasiv Yar, a crucial stronghold in eastern Ukraine, as exhausted and under-equipped Ukrainian brigades struggle to hold the line while waiting for US military aid.
Up to 25,000 Russian troops have been deployed near the town in recent weeks, according to a spokesperson for Ukraine’s ground forces in the east. In other flashpoints along the frontline, Moscow’s army is also pressing ahead, seeking to capture as much territory as it can before the arrival of western kit.

But the small town’s importance is strategic rather than symbolic, analysts and Ukrainian servicemen say.
A Ukrainian retreat from Chasiv Yar could jeopardise the entire defence of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, collectively known as the Donbas. Sat on top of a hill, the city provides Ukraine with one of the last natural barriers protecting important supply lines and, 30 kilometres to the north, the regional capital of Kramatorsk.
“Chasiv Yar is a centre of gravity for the defensive line in the region,” said Viktor Kevliuk, a military analyst for the Centre for Defence Strategies, a Kyiv-based security think-tank.

The Russian air force is also homing in on Chasiv Yar, launching more than 30 powerful glide bombs every day, according to a spokesman for the 26th Artillery Brigade deployed in the city. These bombs are Soviet-era “dumb bombs” retrofitted with wings and navigation systems that allow Russia to better target Ukrainian positions. Upon impact, a glide bomb can leave craters up to 20m wide and 6m deep.

Both sides are now battling for control over Bohdanivka and Ivanivske, two villages downhill on the town’s flanks, with Russian troops so far unable to enter the town itself.
Chasiv Yar’s defence hangs in large part on a 30m-wide canal running along the eastern edge of the town. The Soviet-era structure, which was used to divert water from the Donets river to supply the region’s water-hungry metallurgical industries, offers a ready-made obstacle against the passage of armoured vehicles. On Tuesday, Russian troops were inching closer to the canal.
A bridge over the canal connects the main part of the town with the small Kanal residential district, which Russian soldiers briefly entered earlier this month and has since been devastated by artillery fire and air strikes.

Two stretches totalling some 1.5km where the open-air canal is covered provide “convenient places for [Russian] assaults”, said Kevliuk from the Centre for Defence Strategies. He added that the enemy forces have been “attacking very hard here these past two weeks, so far without success”.
The woods covering the hillsides on which Chasiv Yar sits have also become the scene of fierce fighting.
“It isn’t practical to use strike drones in the forest; the branches and foliage do not allow us to hit the targets we’re interested in,” said Yuriy Fedorenko, commander of the “Achilles” battalion, a Ukrainian drone unit operating in the area. “But we have other drones that can drop ammunition, like the Baba Yaga heavy bomber.”
Taking or bypassing Chasiv Yar would allow Russia’s artillery, drones and glide bombs to threaten the more vulnerable city of Kostyantynivka. Moscow would also be able to disrupt or entirely cut the supply lines running through the city, which Ukraine has been using to link defensive efforts in the northern and southern parts of the Donbas region.

It took the Russian military nearly a year to advance six kilometres from the ravaged city of Bakhmut to the edge of Chasiv Yar.
But recent advances have been much faster, with Russian units further south pushing forward seven kilometres deep in less than two weeks to capture the village of Ocheretyne.
“The ground that the Russians have been able to cover these past few months was good defensive terrain for Ukraine,” said Rob Lee, a military analyst and senior fellow in the Foreign Policy Research Institute’s Eurasia programme. “Now Russia could advance faster.”
“On top of that, taking Chasiv Yar would make other areas that much harder to defend,” he said.
Recent Russian gains south of Chasiv Yar have only heightened the town’s significance by raising the prospect of a large-scale Russian pincer movement. If the advancing Russian forces near Ocheretyne were able to make gains along the road leading to Kostyantynivka, “the entire defence line” in the area, which the Russians have not been able to overcome since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, could be surrounded, said Mykola Melnyk, a Ukrainian officer and former brigade commander.
“I’m sure the Ukrainian political and military leadership is aware of this problem and is working to address it,” Melnyk said.
 
Ukrainian forces near besieged Chasiv Yar say they badly need ammunition

Ukrainian forces defending the strategic eastern stronghold of Chasiv Yar say they are still waiting for fresh ammunition after the United States approved a major military aid package, amid intensifying attacks from Russian troops and drones.

Oleh Shyriaiev, commander of Ukraine's 225th Separate Assault Battalion that is fighting near Chasiv Yar, said more artillery shells would help his unit hold their positions.
"I hope we receive artillery shells soon," he said, speaking in a command post close to the town. He added that munitions supplied by allies had made a significant difference on the battlefield in the past.
"I witnessed events a year ago when Wagner was advancing," he said, referring to a powerful Russian mercenary force which has since been disbanded. "We received cluster munitions which changed the situation significantly and we managed to successfully counter-attack."

Cluster munitions are banned by many countries but have been used by both sides in the Ukraine conflict. Kyiv has vowed to use them only to dislodge concentrations of enemy soldiers.
More trained troops and long-range weapons would also help Ukraine defend its territory more effectively, Shyriaiev said.
"If we get long-range weapons, our leaders will cut (Russian forces) off from logistics and supplies."

According to Shyriaiev, his unit was under near-constant attack from Russian drones. They were able to fly at night as well as during the day, because they were equipped with thermal imaging cameras that allowed remote pilots to identify targets.
Russian fighters were reaching the point of contact using vehicles including quad bikes, and despite taking heavy losses they had managed to put Ukrainian troops under severe pressure.
"They suffer big losses, our troops kill a lot of them," he said of the Russians. "But I have to emphasize that the enemy has a lot of UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) that significantly impact the situation here."

Casualties have been high on both sides since Russia's invasion in early 2022, but with a much larger army and more weapons and ammunition, Russia has gained the upper hand in the east of Ukraine where the fiercest battles are raging.
Shyriaiev remained confident that Russian forces would not enter Chasiv Yar by May 9, when Russia celebrates Victory Day in World War Two. Some Ukrainian officials have said that Moscow may want to seize the town in time for the date.
The commander said his troops had received more armoured vehicles and drones recently which had eased logistics including his battalion's ability to evacuate wounded soldiers.


Videos showing artillery, FPV, and Bradley 25mm fire by Ukraine's 47th Mechanized Brigade on Russian MT-LB, T-72B3 tanks, and other armored vehicles with roof screens with vegetation/camouflage and EW jammers in Soloviove. The first tank was damaged/immobilized by artillery before it was destroyed by FPVs.

Video: https://twitter.com/Osinttechnical/status/1785712876314857611

Luhansk Oblast, Ukrainian forces conducted a strike on a Russian training ground with a trio of US-supplied M39 ATACMS tactical ballistic missiles.

At least one ATACMS directly hit a group of over 100 Russian soldiers, showering them with hundreds of M74 APAM bomblets.


GUR assessment of Russian missile production and stockpile:
-40 Tsirkon in service and up to 10 produced per month
-400 Oniks / Oniks-M and up to 10 produced per month
-270 Kalibr and 30-40 produced per month
-45 Kh-69 and 1-3 produced per month


In case there are any doubts if the Russian volunteers can get their hands on Starlink terminals - yes, they still can. https://t.me/c/1718212276/1594


With new advances around Ocheretyne, Russian forces are 10 kilometers away from the T0504 road linking Pokrovsk and Konstantynivka - important Ukrainian logistics hubs in Donetsk Oblast.
 
Thread (other link): https://twitter.com/Tatarigami_UA/status/1785764798388404229

Russian forces have gained tactically near Ocheretyne and Chasiv Yar, and have attempted a large assault towards Sivers'k. Frontelligence Insight provides a concise analysis of the current situation in this 🧵thread

Before proceeding, please like and share to aid with visibility
2/ According to on-the-ground reports, occasional Russian groups have temporarily crossed the canal at Chasiv Yar but didn't establish a bridgehead. A geolocated video by @giK1893 shows that Russians tried to set a position in the south of Chasiv Yar at the landbridge crossing
3/ Considering that Russians gathered superior means and forces in the area, it's a point of concern. It opens an opportunity to advance into the forest on the west side of the canal. If successful, this would provide them with the freedom to choose further assault directions.
4/ Losing control of the southern part of Chasiv Yar would be negative, opening the road leading to Kostyantynivka, with the small village of Stupochky being the only obstacle in the way. However, we are not currently close to that situation.
6/ Russian forces continuing to make tactical gains in the Ocheretyne area. Their advancing direction suggests an objective to reach Novooleksandrivka and then Vozdvyzhenka, potentially allowing them to cut off the road connecting the vital towns of Pokrovsk and Kostyantynivka.
6/ If the @Deepstate_UA's reported territorial gains are accurate, it indicates that Russian forces have captured fortified positions.

If you want to support Ukrainian forces in the area, check @jana_skhidna, a volunteer who consistently delivers aid to frontline forces there
7/ In the Bilohorivka-Siversk direction, over the past 48 hours, the enemy has launched multiple assaults from various directions, supported by a series of KAB strikes. Ground reports indicate that approximately 8 KAB hits occurred within 30 minutes. These assaults were repelled
8/ The frontline situation remains complex, but efforts are underway to stabilize it. The arrival of Western ammunition is expected to improve the situation. While Russian forces are making gains, there is no sign of a frontline collapse.
9/ These tactical gains may appear minor, but accumulation can lead to operational success. The goal is to form a multi-echelon double-pincer move. The smaller pincer aims to isolate forces south of Bakhmut, while the larger pincer seeks to encircle the entire grouping of forces
10/ Ukraine can slow down and even stop the Russian advance, but not without losing several settlements. Despite shortcomings in strategic and operational planning, senior officers and soldiers at the tactical level are demonstrating personal initiative to fix the situation
11/ For instance, individual officers and soldiers have taken the initiative to get machinery from charity funds and volunteers to build defenses. They also established ad-hoc training to train new soldiers who did not receive adequate training in the official training facilities
12/ Most of these assaults have been countered thanks to infantry, supported by FPV drones, whose ammunition is still being produced in improvised workshops. Innovative ways to bypass EW or enhance FPV flight range are being developed and implemented at the individual level
13/ Overall, thanks to ground-level efforts driven by the personal initiative of brigade officers, soldiers, and sergeants, along with the arrival of Western aid and stabilization measures that we can't disclose, the situation may improve
14/ An important detail that I forgot to add. There is a risk posed by Russian control over Ocheretyne. This control opens up more opportunities besides Novoolekasndirvka, as it allows access to a road that runs north towards the south of the Kostyantynivka area.


Russian forces are now a little over 10km from H32, the main road linking Pokrovsk with Kostyantynivka.


Russia used more than 3,200 guided bombs in Ukraine in April alone, according to Zelenskyy. The vast majority of them use the UMPK glide kit, as shown in this video.


Aftermath of the alleged Ukrainian strike at Dzhankoy airfield: all S300/S400 systems were moved away, one appears to be damaged badly (largest square). Some other craters (one even with smoke coming out of it) are visible as well. @planet images were taken on April 27th/May 1st.


Interesting video illustrating how #Ukrainian #drones defeat a russian T-64BV tank. The first drone breaks through a cope cage & chicken wire stopping the tank. A second drone carefully surveys the damage, and then delivers a perfect strike.


French President Emmanuel Macron reaffirmed he did not rule out sending troops to Ukraine, saying the issue would "legitimately" arise if Russia broke through Ukrainian front lines and Kyiv made such a request, in an interview with The Economist published Thursday, May 2.

The Economist said Macron gave the interview after delivering a keynote speech last week where he declared that Europe is "mortal" and could "die" partly due to the threat posed by Russian aggression after its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. "I'm not ruling anything out, because we are facing someone who is not ruling anything out," said Macron when asked if he stood by comments earlier this year not excluding the sending of Western troops that sent shockwaves around Europe.


Russian ballistic missiles are the real scourge of this war. They’ve been mainly used recently to destroy our energy system. I will dare to say that if another country suffered this scale of energy destruction, it would look much, much worse than Ukraine. We hold on because we have learned a lot. We are resilient; we know what the stakes are. But just to give an understanding to your viewers, half our energy system is damaged and we still have to run the country, run the war effort, and rally the world’s support.
 

NEW: The Russian military is reportedly redeploying elements of the 76th and 7th airborne (VDV) divisions from Zaporizhia Oblast in the direction of eastern Ukraine, likely to reinforce and intensify ongoing offensive operations. (1/3)
2/ ISW has yet to observe confirmation of these VDV redeployments to other directions. However, these Russian and Ukrainian reports are significant and any VDV redeployments from Zaporizhia Oblast towards eastern Ukraine warrant closer study in the coming days.

3/ The Russian military may seek to redeploy elements of the 76th or 7th VDV division or both to eastern Ukraine to support Russia’s offensive operations in Donetsk Oblast and to capitalize on the current window of vulnerability before US military aid begins reaching the frontline at scale.


Occupying Russian troops in the Kherson area of Ukraine have changed their tactics, now conducting assault in waves and utilizing small attack groups, rather than the larger-scale frontal assaults they had conducted before, ETV foreign affairs show "Välisilm" reported this week.

ERR's Anton Aleksejev and Kristjan Svirgsden spoke to a Ukrainian military officer at the front line in Kherson oblast.

The officer, Jaroslav, said: "Two months of basic training at a recruit center will not yield the same results as two weeks of intensive training here, where live firing goes on all the time. Experienced soldiers here can then pass on their skills to their new comrades."

In theory, every soldier reaching the front should have acquired all necessary skills, but real life experience demonstrates that each Ukrainian unit must train its mobilized personnel individually.

The quality of personnel joining the Ukrainian defense forces also vary hugely, some of the men told ERR.

One soldier, Kostjantin, perhaps recapitulating a centuries-old observation, said that volunteers are: "motivated and highly useful," whereas those pressed into service, less so.

"If he was intercepted on the street while going to the store, unfortunately, he will not of much use," Kostjantin went on.

Aleksejev and Svirgsden traversed the entire length of the front line in Kherson, to see for themselves has changed in recent months.

These changes had not been encouraging, as reported by some of the troops they spoke to.

"Jupiter" told ERR: "The mood has changed. Everyone is worn out. But no reinforcements are coming. The volume of ammunition we get has also changed. It is diminishing more and more. Even our mortar men are tired."

Conversely, Russian forces have not experienced such shortages of equipment, ammunition, or human resources.

Serhii noted: "The Russians have changed their tactics. Previously, they struck us like cannon fodder, up to the point at which their entire unit, battalion, or brigade was destroyed. Nowadays, they are attacking in waves. One battalion on the front line sends out small assault squads of about eight people each, to overrun our positions. Naturally, we push them back too, and they get killed, or those who survive are sent to the rear, then fresh soldiers from the second or third echelon replace them."

Despite everything, it can sometimes seem that life goes on despite the war, even in frontline Kherson. Six months ago, it was clear that Russian forces were preparing for a new offensive, but Ukrainian soldiers have only started building up defensive lines now.
In one example, the Ukrainian army command has decided to build a defense line in Kherson Oblast, around 10 kilometers from the Dnieper River, which suggests that they do not rule out the possibility of Russian forces reaching that far inland (the current front line around Kherson lies a few kilometers south of the Dnipro – ed.).

Defensive engineering works can be put in place and troops can be motivated, but if a guided aircraft bomb or missile hits the area, these can prove to be of little effect. The past months have shown that Russian forces have a clear superiority in military equipment, too.

Serhii added: "The only way to counter them is in the air, with jets. We need our air force to down their fighters and bombers. We need more air defenses, to reach as far as Tokmak, which is where their air strikes begin. Only this could contain them."
 

Russia is trying to break through the front line in the east of Ukraine in three directions, Nazar Voloshyn, the spokesperson of the Khortytsia group of forces, said on May 2.

Ukraine has faced a worsening situation on the battlefield in recent weeks that has been compounded by delays in Western assistance. Russian forces have recently intensified offensive operations in the east of Ukraine following the capture of Avdiivka in February.

Heavy fighting is ongoing in the sections of the front line around Bakhmut, Avdiivka, and Novopavlivka in Donetsk Oblast, Voloshyn said on air.

Russia "is trying to seize the strategic initiative and break through the front line," concentrating its main efforts in these areas, Voloshyn said.


As many as a million Russians fled abroad in the first year of the Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine. Now thousands are returning home, delivering a propaganda victory to President Vladimir Putin and a boost to his war economy.
With the war still raging, and the man who started it about to assume another six-year term in power, many Russians are confronting a difficult choice. Facing rejections when renewing residence permits, difficulties with transferring work and money abroad, and limited destinations that still welcome them, they’re opting to end their self-exile.

The outflow has slowed, if not reversed. In June, the Kremlin boasted that half of all who fled in those early days had already returned, and that seems to reflect available statistics from the most popular destination countries as well as data from relocation companies. Based on client data at one relocation firm, Finion in Moscow, an estimated 40%-45% of those who left in 2022 have returned to Russia, said the company’s head, Vyacheslav Kartamyshev.
Putin praised the return of business people, entrepreneurs and highly qualified specialists as a “good trend.” He holds up the influx as a sign of support for his policies, regardless of the actual reasons for their homecoming, and evidence Russians have “a sense of belonging, an understanding of what is happening.”
The comeback stories are actively used in propaganda as a confirmation of “Russophobia” in the West, said Tatiana Stanovaya, founder of the political consultancy R.Politik and a senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. For Putin, this matters, because “it fuels him, gives him additional evidence that he was right,” she said.

Thousands of returning expatriates are also helping Russia weather wartime sanctions and deliver a solid economic performance. According to Bloomberg Economics estimates, reverse migration has likely added between one-fifth and one-third to Russia’s 3.6% annual economic growth in 2023.
Still, returning workers only constitute an estimated 0.3% to the total number of employed. That does little to ease the acute shortage on the labor market, but underscores repatriates’ outsized contribution to economic activity.

Finion’s data shows that even in mostly friendly countries, such as Armenia and Kyrgyzstan, Russians have come under greater scrutiny. Several European countries, particularly in the east, have made it much harder for Russians to receive or renew temporary residence permits, as has Turkey, surprising tens of thousands of Russians, who then faced a choice of returning home or looking for another country, Kartamyshev said.
The current number of short-term residence permits for Russians in Turkey stands at around 60,000, halved from 132,000 in 2022, official data shows.
Data from Georgia’s national statistics office show the number of Russians who left the country increased by six times to 35,344 in 2023, while arriving migrants declined 16% from a year ago. Kazakhstan reported 146,000 newcomers from Russia by the end of 2022, but a Russian diplomat to Almaty claimed that after a year no more than 80,000 stayed.
The repatriation process is likely to continue. According to a study by political scientists led by Emil Kamalov and Ivetta Sergeeva at the European University Institute in Florence, only 41% of Russian migrants, and in some countries just 16%, consider their status stable or somewhat stable in their host societies. That insecurity is further exacerbated by 25% reporting experiences of discrimination, either from local people or institutions.
 

The detonation of a Russian nuclear space weapon could render low-Earth orbit unusable for a year, according to a top Pentagon space official.

“Several analysts do believe that detonation in space at the right magnitude in the right location could render low-Earth orbit, for example, unusable for some period of time,” John Plumb, assistant defense secretary for space policy, told a House hearing on Wednesday.

Exclusive: Russia is shipping oil to North Korea above UN mandated levels, US official says

Russia has been quietly shipping refined petroleum to North Korea at levels that appear to violate the mandates of the United Nations Security Council, a U.S. official said on Thursday, adding the U.S. is planning new sanctions in response.
The disclosure came on the first day after a U.N. panel of experts monitoring enforcement of longstanding U.N. sanctions against North Korea for its nuclear weapons and missile programs was disbanded after a Russian veto.
"At the same time that Moscow vetoed the panel’s mandate renewal, Russia has been shipping refined petroleum from Port Vostochny to the DPRK (North Korea). Russian shipments have already pushed DPRK imports above the 500-barrel annual cap mandated by the U.N. Security Council," the U.S. official told Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity.
The official said that in March alone, Russia shipped more than 165 thousand barrels of refined petroleum to North Korea and that given the close proximity of Russian and North Korean commercial ports, Russia could sustain these shipments indefinitely.

Russia can't match a Western asset seizure, but it can inflict pain

Reuters spoke to six economists, lawyers and experts who have been tracking the status of assets frozen by both sides since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
The consensus among them was that one of the most likely countermeasures would be to confiscate foreign investors' financial assets and securities currently held in special "type-C" accounts, access to which has been blocked since the war started unless Moscow grants a waiver.
Russia does not disclose how much is in the accounts, held by the country's National Settlement Depository, a sanctioned entity. Russian officials have said the amount is comparable to the $300 billion of Russian reserves frozen.
"Payouts on blocked assets in type-C accounts could start to be seized in favour of the state," said Vladimir Yazev, investment portfolio manager at investment firm Aigenis.
"Additionally, the government may consider measures on blocking non-exchange assets still held by unfriendly countries." These assets include taxes, grants and private donations.
A Russian lawyer familiar with C accounts, who asked not to be named, said that if non-residents decline to take part in an asset swap scheme run by a state-appointed Russian broker, the only remaining option would be confiscation or foreclosure.

In addition to stakes in companies and physical assets, Russia could target foreign investment held in securities, according to one of the economists, who asked not to be named because of the sensitivity of the subject.
But experts said the latest published figures from Russia's central bank on foreign direct investment showed that a sizeable proportion of foreign money was likely coming from Russian companies registered abroad.
Russia stopped releasing a country-by-country breakdown after the invasion, but the last such data published for Jan. 1, 2022 showed that Cyprus, where many Russian firms are incorporated, accounted for almost 30% of all Russia's FDI.
Many Russian companies are also incorporated in the Netherlands.
"A chunk of total FDI in Russia is really Russian money already," said Gian Maria Milesi-Ferretti, senior fellow in economic studies at The Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution, a U.S. think-tank.
 

1/
Highly interesting, not surprising:

"The Norwegian Police Security Service has uncovered Russian intel activity in Western Norway. Purpose behind some of this activity could be preparations to sabotage critical infrastructure. "
2/
"The Police Security Service says they have exposed several agents but will not say how many"

Objects of interest for Russian services are reportedly the major oil and gas installations, hydroelectric plants and other grid infrastructure and Haakonsvern Naval Base.


Russian President Vladimir Putin sees domestic and international developments trending in his favor and likely will press on with aggressive tactics in Ukraine, but the war is unlikely to end soon, the top U.S. intelligence official said on Thursday.
Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines told the Senate Armed Services Committee that Russia has intensified strikes on Ukraine's infrastructure to hamper Kyiv's ability to move arms and troops, slow defense production and force it to consider negotiations.


During pitched battles with far better-armed Russian forces, Ukrainian soldier Batyar’s unit has few options.

Devastating Russian aerial glide bombs that can drop up to 1.5 tons of explosives out of range of most of Ukraine’s air defenses are gnawing away at his men’s positions in a new tactic.

Yet, to retreat carries no promise of safety — the rear defensive lines meant to give them cover barely exist, he said.

Lack of ammunition is forcing the outnumbered Ukrainian soldiers to pull back, one village after another, including three surrendered Sunday, as intense fighting roils the countryside surrounding Avdiivka nearly three months after the strategic city fell to Russia.

“It’s necessary to increase the pace of building fortifications … so that when we retreat, we will retreat to a prepared position,” said Batyar, a unit commander who gave only his military call sign in line with brigade protocols. “These fortifications are not enough.”

Facing an outcry after Avdiivka’s fall, Ukraine is rushing to build concrete-fortified trenches, foxholes, firing positions and other barricades on the front lines. But relentless Russian shelling, lack of equipment and crippling bureaucracy plague construction across the vast 1,000-kilometer (600-mile) front, even as a new Russian offensive looms, according to a dozen Ukrainian soldiers, government officials and construction company directors interviewed by The Associated Press.

But Ukraine was slow to follow suit; it was not until this spring, when weather conditions improved, that any real progress was made. In March, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced Ukraine was building 2,000 kilometers (1,240 miles) of fortifications across three lines of defense.

“There was an absence of responsibility. ... People didn’t understand that fortifications can save your life if you do it in advance,” said Oleksandr, a deputy infantry commander with the 47th brigade in the Avdiivka area who gave only his first name in line with military rules.

“Many people thought we ... wouldn’t need to prepare such lines. They didn’t expect a new Russian offensive.”

Unlike Russia, Ukraine does not have the option of forcing thousands of prisoners to do the work. That means Ukrainian soldiers on the front lines must both fight and dig their own trenches.


“It’s very hard to do both,” Oleksandr said.

Building the second line, 2 to 5 kilometers behind the front line and within range of Russian artillery, is the responsibility of Ukraine’s poorly-resourced engineering force. The third line, at a greater distance from battle, is constructed by companies under military contracts.

The reasons for Ukraine’s lack of preparedness are rooted in the years after independence when it began downsizing its military because it couldn’t afford to maintain the large force inherited from the Soviet Union. Its engineering regiments were dismantled until there were only a handful left. Equipment, including excavators and plows so direly needed now, were sold off.

“We entered the war with nothing,” said a serviceman in Ukraine’s engineering force, who spoke on condition of anonymity to talk openly about the lack of preparation. When he arrived to build fortifications in Ukraine’s east in October, all his unit had were aging equipment from the 1960s and shovels, he said.


“Accordingly, that’s the kind of trenches we made.”

Five commanders in Avdiivka and Chasiv Yar, which have been under relentless Russian assault, said without well-prepared positions they were unable to gain a foothold in unfamiliar terrain and defend without suffering huge losses.

In Chasiv Yar, a strategic hilltop town in Donetsk, the lack of fortifications helped turn the tables in Russia’s favor.

In mid-March, Ukraine’s 67th brigade was rotated in to hold positions roughly 3 kilometers from the town. “I would be hard-pressed to describe them as ‘positions,’” said a Ukrainian serviceman who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the failings candidly.

He expected dugouts, a labyrinth of trenches and firing positions, but what he found were a series of pits, barely large enough to hide in during artillery barrages.

Under fire, “soldiers would climb out of pits and start digging in each other’s direction so that there is at least some connection between them,” he said. The soil was so sandy that whenever shells struck, the trenches they dug crumbled.

With nowhere to take cover and no means to match the Russian barrages, they retreated 2 kilometers back. Over 100 Ukrainian soldiers were killed or are missing, he said.

“We lost department commanders, platoon commanders, company commanders and sergeants,” he said. “That is, we lost the entire skeleton of the brigade.”


The unit’s withdrawal in early April led to it being disbanded by Ukraine’s General Staff. The brigade was blamed for the loss, but commanders said they never had the resources to succeed.

Finding companies willing to take the risk was another challenge. They faced layers of bureaucracy to get paid, while coming under enormous pressure to work fast.

A contractor in the Sumy region said he had to follow up with a half-dozen government officials to get funding.

“Not many people are willing to do this,” said a construction company director in the Marinka area of the Donetsk region. All the fortifications he is contracted to build should have been erected in 2014, when Russia first invaded Ukraine, he said.

“This is is all a big question for our leadership: Why didn’t they purchase the equipment that military engineers needed to do their jobs? Why did they wait until they just gave it to us?” said the director, who like other company officials spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive military contracts.
The owner of another company supplying concrete for front-line fortifications said some regional officials, under pressure to build them quickly, were inflating progress. “I saw the figures, and knowing what I know about the supplies, I know they can’t be true,” he said.
 
Grim read: Ukraine is on the brink, says a senior general

The scruffy headquarters of HUR, Ukraine’s military intelligence agency, stands on a jagged piece of land in central Kyiv known as Fisherman’s Island. Strictly speaking, it is not an island but a peninsula. And there isn’t much fishing going on these wartime days. But sporting a piratical beard, the agency’s deputy head, Major-General Vadym Skibitsky, plays a nautical theme. Blunt, enigmatic and sharp as a captain’s hook, he exudes many of the qualities that have made HUR one of the most talked about secret services in the world. But he sounds troubled as he assesses Ukraine’s battlefield prospects. Things, he says, are as difficult as they have ever been since the early days of Russia’s full-scale invasion. And they are about to get worse.
He predicts that Russia will first press on with its plan to “liberate” all of Ukraine’s eastern Donetsk and Luhansk regions, a task unchanged since 2022. He says a Russian order has gone out to “take something” in time for the pomp of Victory Day in Moscow on May 9th, or, failing that, before Vladimir Putin’s visit to Beijing a week later. The speed and success of the advance will determine when and where the Russians strike next. “Our problem is very simple: we have no weapons. They always knew April and May would be a difficult time for us.”

Ukraine’s immediate concern is its high-ground stronghold in the town of Chasiv Yar, which holds the keys to an onward Russian advance to the last large cities in the Donetsk region (see map). It is probably a matter of time before that city falls in a similar way to Avdiivka, bombed to oblivion by the Russians in February, says the general. “Not today or tomorrow, of course, but all depending on our reserves and supplies.”
Russia has already won a tactical success in the south-west in the village of Ocheretyne, where a recent Ukrainian troop rotation was bungled. Russian forces succeeded in breaking through a first line of defence and have created a salient 25 square kilometres in size. Ukraine is some way from stabilising the situation, while Russia is throwing “everything” it has to achieve a bigger gain. The Russian army is not the hubristic organisation it was in 2022, says the general, and is now operating as a “single body, with a clear plan, and under a single command”.

Looking at a wider horizon, the intelligence chief suggests Russia is gearing up for an assault around the Kharkiv and Sumy regions in the north-east. The timing of this depends on the sturdiness of Ukrainian defences in the Donbas, he says. But he assumes Russia’s main push will begin at the “end of May or beginning of June”. Russia has a total of 514,000 land troops committed to the Ukrainian operation, he says, higher than the 470,000 estimate given last month by General Christopher Cavoli, NATO’s top commander. The Ukrainian spymaster says Russia’s northern grouping, based across the border from Kharkiv, is currently 35,000-strong but is set to expand to between 50,000 and 70,000 troops. Russia is also “generating a division of reserves” (ie, between 15,000 and 20,000 men) in central Russia, which they can add to the main effort.
This is “not enough” for an operation to take a major city, he says—a judgment shared by Western military officials, but could be enough for a smaller task. “A quick operation to come in and come out: maybe. But an operation to take Kharkiv, or even Sumy city, is of a different order. The Russians know this. And we know this.” In any event, dark days lie ahead for Kharkiv, a city of 1.2m people that rebuffed Russia’s initial assaults in 2022.

May will be the key month, says the general, with Russia employing a “three-layered” plan to destabilise the country. The main factor is military. Even though America’s Congress belatedly gave the go-ahead for more military aid, it will take weeks before it filters through to the front line. It is unlikely to match Russia’s stock of shells or provide an effective defence against Russia’s low-tech, destructive guided aerial bombs.

The second factor is Russia’s disinformation campaign in Ukraine aimed at undermining Ukrainian mobilisation and the political legitimacy of Volodymyr Zelensky, whose presidential term notionally runs out on May 20th. While the constitution clearly allows its indefinite extension in wartime, his opponents are already emphasising the president’s vulnerability.
A third factor, says the general, is Russia’s relentless campaign to isolate Ukraine internationally. “They will be shaking things up whichever way they can.”
On top of this, an already delicate process of mobilising the population to fight has been hamstrung by political infighting and indecision in Kyiv. Conscription largely stalled in winter after Mr Zelensky fired the heads of the military draft offices. It took months for parliament to agree to a new law to extend the draft to 25-to-27-year-olds and oblige military-age males to register on a new database.
The situation has improved a bit since December, but General Skibitsky is reluctant to declare the emergency over. Ukrainian officials worry that the next wave of mobilised recruits will make for unmotivated soldiers with poor morale. One saving grace, says the general, is that Russia faces similar problems. Its army is unrecognisable from the professional corps that started the war. But Russia still has more of them to throw into battle, stretching Ukraine’s already stressed defences.

General Skibitsky says he does not see a way for Ukraine to win the war on the battlefield alone. Even if it were able to push Russian forces back to the borders—an increasingly distant prospect—it wouldn’t end the war. Such wars can only end with treaties, he says. Right now, both sides are jockeying for the “the most favourable position” ahead of potential talks. But meaningful negotiations can begin only in the second half of 2025 at the earliest, he guesses. By then, Russia will be facing serious “headwinds”. Russian military production capacity has expanded but will reach a plateau by early 2026, he reckons, due to shortages in material and engineers. Both sides could eventually run out of weapons. But if nothing changes in other respects, Ukraine will run out first.
The general says the largest unknown factor of the war is Europe. If Ukraine’s neighbours do not find a way of further increasing defence production to help Ukraine, they too will eventually find themselves in Russia’s crosshairs, he argues. He plays down Article 5 of NATO’s collective-defence charter and even NATO’s troop presence in states bordering Ukraine, which he says may mean little when put to the test. “The Russians will take the Baltics in seven days,” he argues, somewhat implausibly. “NATO’s reaction time is ten days.”
Ukraine’s bravery and sacrifice have given Europe a multi-year head start, removing the immediate threat from Russia’s once feared airborne forces and marine corps for at least a decade, he says. The question is whether Europe will repay the favour by keeping Ukraine in the game. “We will keep fighting. We have no choice. We want to live. But the outcome of the war [...] isn’t just down to us.”


155mm production in Scranton and Wilkes-Barre last month ramped up to more than 36,000 shells, their highest in decades, Army's Doug Bush tells reporters.

This chart seems to indicate US will reach 100k per month around Q4 2025: https://twitter.com/ColbyBadhwar/status/1786107771928084822

Assistant Secretary of the Army for Acquisition Doug Bush confirms what GD-OTS told VOA last month: they are producing 36,000 155mm shell bodies per month. Production will increase significantly when their new plant in Texas opens this summer.


A drone is apparently observing a Russian tactical UGV evacuating a wounded soldier during the night.
 

Right now, Russia is making slow but steady progress on the battlefield, “with the potential for tactical breakthroughs along the front lines in areas such as Donetsk and Kharkiv,” Haines said. At the same time, the Russians are amping up ammunition production, she noted, while pointing out delays in U.S. aid to Ukraine and Europe’s lack of surge capacity in munitions.

Russia’s gains in armaments production are due in no small part to China’s willingness to provide components and material to Moscow, Haines said—“one of several factors” that have boosted Russia’s momentum in recent months.

While Putin has made comments suggesting he’s willing to enter into peace talks regarding Ukraine, there is no indication “that he is willing to make significant concessions,” Haines asserted.


In the 26-month course of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Lieutenant General Oleksandr Pavliuk, appointed in February to take over from General Oleksandr Syrskyi as the commander of Ukraine’s ground forces, has become an expert in the science of attritional warfare.
First interviewed by The Times days before Russia’s invasion, Pavliuk said the war had transformed since the first months. “You cannot even compare the war in 2022 with the war we have now,” he said in Kyiv this week. “It is like two vastly different wars.”
When asked, however, what lesson the past two years of war had taught him, he did not speak of war machines, nor of killing an implacable enemy. It was of Ukraine’s growing sense of solitude.
“Personally, the main lesson for me is that you shouldn’t really expect to count on anyone else,” he said evenly. “I learnt not to rely on anyone for help. Ultimately, everything may rest in our hands alone.”

“Just before the invasion, we perceived that if we inflicted huge losses on the Russians, then the war would stop,” he reflected grimly. “But instead we came to realise that the Russians do not count their dead. So far, the soldiers’ coffins are mostly going back to the provinces, and their deaths do not affect the common opinion of Russia.
“Now, we think that it might be possible that the war will change if the Russians are forced to mobilise men from their urban centres, from cities such as Moscow and St Petersburg. If they see their soldiers coming back to these cities in coffins, that could change the understanding of the war’s reality in Russia.”

In January 2022, weeks before the Russian invasion, the general accurately forecast the intent and timeline of the assault in an interview with The Times, predicting that the Russians would likely attack in the third week of February. He is as clear now in describing Russia’s intentions for Ukraine this year as he was then.
“Russia’s main goal remains to destroy Ukraine as a nation,” he said. “But as we haven’t given them that opportunity since 2022, we believe the goals the Russians set for themselves this year are the complete occupation of Donetsk and Luhansk regions and, if they are successful there, the Zaporizhzhia region.”

A trace of bitterness sometimes tinged his description of the state of the eastern front, where Ukrainian troops are struggling to defend the garrison town of Chasiv Yar against sustained Russian attack. The Russians want to capture Chasiv Yar in time for their Victory Day celebrations on May 9.
Pavliuk, however, is determined that should not happen, but he acknowledges the grave effect that the winter delay in $60 billion dollars’ worth of US military assistance for Ukraine, finally passed by Congress a fortnight ago, has had on his ammunition-starved soldiers.
“We are trying everything we can do to stop the Russian plan to capture Chasiv Yar before May 9,” he said. “But the Russians have a ten-to-one ratio of artillery superiority there, and total air superiority.
“We will do everything we can to prevent a Russian breakthrough, and we hope that the American weaponry will help us. If it had arrived in time, we would not have lost the territories that we have lost in the last few months.”

Worse may yet come. Russian troop numbers inside Ukraine have increased vastly since 2022. The general estimated that there are between 510,000 and 513,000 Russian personnel in Ukraine’s occupied territories.
Pavliuk also predicted these numbers could increase during the year as Russia built up forces for summer offensives. “We believe the Russians want to mobilise 100,000 more troops and that they will use these to reinforce their forces already in Ukraine in June and July,” he said. “By the end of the year we think that the Russians intend to mobilise nearly 300,000 more soldiers. But also they are losing nearly 25,000 to 30,000 per month in dead and wounded.”

“We think that if the Russian cities start receiving enough coffins, it could change their public opinion and attitude towards the war. Then the Russians will understand that the war concerns them, not only the provinces,” Pavliuk said. “But that hope could be problematic, because all Russian media is controlled by the state.”
Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second city, is another possible goal of a Russian summer assault, the general said. He added: “Our intelligence services say that the Russians do have a plan to take Kharkiv or Sumy, but we don’t know how serious those plans are, nor if they are capable of realising them with the forces they have at their disposal.”

However, he expressed optimism that the long-awaited military support package from the US, combined with revitalised European support, might not only blunt and turn Russian assaults over the summer, but possibly give Ukraine a strategic initiative.
“The priority weapons we need from outside are air defences, to protect our people, cities and infrastructure from Russian air and missile strikes,” Pavliuk said. “And, of course, long-range artillery is very important to us too. With good air defences and long-range artillery, we could retake this strategic superiority from the Russians on the battlefield.”
During the past 26 months, drones have risen to dominate the battlefield. Kamikaze and strike drones now kill more soldiers on both sides than either artillery or aircraft. Crowding the skies over the front lines, they have altered the battlefield in transparency, geography and tactics. The infantry have gone deeper underground, and attacking armoured forces have had to disperse more than ever or face annihilation from above before they have even launched an assault.
“Drones kill more soldiers on both sides than anything else at present,” Pavliuk said. “They have also created a scenario whereby almost everything can be seen by drones, not just on the front line but to a depth of between 10km and 30km on either side.
“It is no longer possible for either side to build up a large strike force within this belt of territory without it being seen and hit by long-range strike drones and artillery. So this new reality has forced both sides to work with much smaller assault groups. We have moved away from moving as battalions, or even companies.”

However, while the vernacular of death has taken precedence in recent months, Pavliuk acknowledged that killing could not win the war alone. He described how a tightening of sanctions against the Russian Federation might prevent Moscow from maintaining its long-range missile stocks which it uses so regularly to strike key Ukrainian energy infrastructure, and noted that only greater international isolation of the Kremlin could halt the fighting.
“Attrition on the battlefield will not end the war alone,” he said. “The end of the war will come about through technological superiority and the real isolation of Russia. Right now, too many countries are sitting on their hands waiting to see how this war ends, just hoping that it won’t affect them.”
 
Thread: https://twitter.com/Tatarigami_UA/status/1786123545006789099

May 2nd updates on frontline developments from the Frontelligence Insight, including the information about a potential Russian offensive in the Kharkiv and Sumy oblasts

Before proceeding, please like and share to aid with visibility, as sometimes we get less visibility

🧵Thread
2/ After successes in the Ocheretyne area, Russian forces now have slightly more than 10 kilometers of ground between them and the T0504 highway, which connects Kostyantynivka and Pokrovsk. However, another potential threat is emerging from the northward-leading road.
3/ The Russian expansion into Arkhangel's'ke widens their range of possibilities and complicates Ukrainian efforts to establish a cohesive defensive system across such a broad area, particularly given the understaffing of many brigades.
4/ Frontelligence Insight analyzed imagery from April 22nd and May 1st to identify new scorch marks left by artillery or other projectiles. The results indicate Russian efforts concentrated in the western and northern directions, suggesting they may attempt to exploit this road.
5/ As mentioned in our previous update, Russians launched multiple assaults in the Bilohorivka-Siversk area. The 6th separate MRB tried to assault Spirne, south of Bilohorivka, with 1 tank and 3 MTLBs carrying infantry. Only 1 MTLB survived and retreated. Photo: @4emberlen
6/ The Kharkiv-Sumy Area Offensive (?)

There is speculation about Russia's intentions to invade Sumy and Kharkiv oblasts, requiring clarification of key details.

We previously identified Russian forces equivalent to two corps stationed along the border of Sumy and Kharkiv.
7/ Firstly, we have not observed the formation of a concentrated force capable of conducting a deep strike. Instead, we see scattered units that could potentially assemble into a striking force in the future, although this is not evident at present.
8/ Based on available to us information, these units are mainly infantry-based and have insufficient tanks and armored vehicles for deep maneuvers. Therefore, any operations against Ukrainian forces in Sumy and Kharkiv will differ from the large-scale invasion seen in 2022
9/ Vadym Skibitsky, deputy head of Ukraine’s military intelligence, suggests that Russia’s northern grouping, located across the border from Kharkiv, currently consists of 35,000 troops.


10/ This aligns with our earlier estimates of the force approximately equivalent to 2 Russian corps in the area. Skibitsky anticipates that Russia's main offensive will commence "at the end of May or beginning of June."
11/ While their increased presence poses some threat, the current force levels are insufficient for a significant deep maneuver into Ukrainian territory. Our team will continue to monitor the area to identify changes


Russian troops have continued to storm the town of Chasiv Yar and nearby settlements in Donetsk Oblast amid a "great battle" for control of logistics routes, Nazar Voloshyn, the Khortytsia Group of Forces' spokesperson, told Interfax Ukraine on May 2.
 
Even with our equipment headed there, I think the tide is irreversible. Someone needs to step up and find an end state that doesn't result in the total destruction of Ukraine.
 

Sweden’s top military official is still convinced Ukraine can turn the tide of the war and regain territory from Russia, so long as NATO remains united behind Kyiv.

In an interview with NatSec Daily, Gen. MICAEL BYDÉN, the supreme commander of Sweden’s armed forces, said he’s aware that Ukraine faces a tough challenge in fighting back against Russia. But Bydén emphasized that “so far, they have proven to do very well.”

“I don't hear any deviation from the Ukrainians that they will defend every single centimeter of their territory, and they will do whatever they can to take back what they've lost,” he continued. It’s incumbent, he added, that “we together in the West stick together, not deviating from support and a common goal to give Ukraine what they need to fight the war.”

Bydén’s comments come as officials on both sides of the Atlantic fret about Kyiv’s chances as it runs out of men to fight, morale lags on the Eastern front and Russia hints at a major offensive later this spring.

Russian leader VLADIMIR PUTIN “thinks that domestic and international trends are in his favor,” Director of National Intelligence AVRIL HAINES told lawmakers today, noting that Russia is making progress on the battlefield and could break through frontlines in areas such as Donetsk and Kharkiv. The war in Ukraine “is unlikely to end anytime soon,” she added.

The situation on the frontline in eastern Ukraine is worsening as troops await the arrival of additional American military assistance. National Security Council spokesperson JOHN KIRBY told reporters today that the Ukrainians are “shoring up their defenses” and that weapons are beginning to make their way to the battlefield.

Regardless of the delays, Bydén argued that the passage of the supplemental spending deal will be indispensable for Ukraine’s war effort since the U.S. can provide more “volume” of weapons than any other NATO member state. He added: “It also, I think, motivates, inspires and also puts pressure on the others of us.”

Despite the concerns about Ukraine’s prospects, Bydén said the alliance shouldn’t press Ukraine to pursue a peace deal. So long as Ukraine wants to fight, he says, the alliance needs to ensure it’s speaking with “a common voice.” NATO support needs to adapt to the evolving situation and may need to provide more direct support in the future, including the presence of international troops in a few years, he said.

“Had we thought from the very beginning that countries would support Ukraine with HIMARS or a fighter system? I don't think so. So we take it step by step,” he said.

Sweden and neighboring Finland have joined NATO at a critical juncture for the transatlantic alliance, as member states find themselves at odds over how best to support Ukraine and how to deal with Moscow-friendly governments within its ranks, especially Hungary, Slovakia and Turkey.

Unity within NATO, Bydén emphasized, will be critical in determining the tide of the war. “Deviation from unity right now will only play in the hands of Putin,” he said.


Due to previous orders, the US is currently producing a surge of “dozens” of ATACMS tactical ballistic missiles every few months

Per Politico, the Pentagon is no longer worried about deliveries of ATACMS to Ukraine affecting US stocks.
Army acquisition chief Doug Bush: “There are a lot of ATACMS coming off that line,”


Russian forces have managed to break through and gain a foothold in the village of Ocheretyne, Pokrovsk district, but the area which the Russians hold is under the fire control of Ukrainian soldiers, and the fighting continues.

Source: Lieutenant Colonel Nazar Voloshyn, spokesperson for the Khortytsia Operational and Strategic Group (OSG) of Ukrainian forces, in a comment to Interfax-Ukraine news agency

Quote: "As for Ocheretyne... The enemy has broken through and gained a foothold in this settlement. The part that the enemy holds is under our fire control. We are taking measures to drive them out of there. Heavy fighting is also underway there, but the situation is under control of Ukrainian units."

Details: The spokesman stressed that Ukrainian forces are taking all measures to stabilise the situation in this area and regain control of Ocheretyne.

Additional forces and reserve assets have been deployed for this purpose.

Khortytsia OSG explained that the direst situation is currently on the Pokrovsk and Kurakhove fronts, where fierce fighting continues.

Voloshyn noted that the Russians have deployed up to four brigades in these areas and are trying to develop an offensive west of the war-torn towns of Avdiivka and Marinka and aim to break through to the settlements of Pokrovsk and Kurakhove.

Quote: "The enemy has achieved some tactical gains in these areas but failed to gain an operational advantage. We are moving brigades that have restored their combat capability to strengthen our defence in these areas and replace the units that suffered losses."


U.K. Foreign Secretary David Cameron pledged £3 billion ($3.74 billion) in annual military assistance to Ukraine, adding that it would continue "as long as it takes." He assured that London had no qualms about the possibility of the provided weaponry being utilized within Russian territory.

The visit follows the Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s announcement that the U.K. will spend 2.5% of GDP on defense, and commit to at least £3 billion a year on military support to Ukraine.

"We will give three billion pounds every year for as long as is necessary. We've just really emptied all we can in terms of giving equipment," he said in an interview with Reuters on a visit to Kyiv.

"Some of that (equipment) is actually arriving in Ukraine today, while I'm here," Cameron said outside St. Michael's Cathedral in downtown Kyiv.

Cameron added that Ukraine had a right to use the weapons provided by London to strike targets inside Russia, and that it was up to Kyiv whether to do so: "Ukraine has that right. Just as Russia is striking inside Ukraine, you can quite understand why Ukraine feels the need to make sure it's defending itself."
 
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Elements of Russia’s new 44th Army Corps deploying to the border?

According to the deputy head of Ukraine’s military intel directorate, Russia’s “North” Grouping of Troops, deployed along the Russia-Ukraine border, currently comprises 35,000 troops but will grow to 50,000 to 70,000.

Some of this increase could come from the newly formed 44th Army Corps. A Ukrainian analyst reported that Russia is deploying elements of the 44th AC, totaling ~3,700 troops, to the Kursk region. They reportedly include motor rifle, tank, and artillery units from 128th Motor Rifle Brigade and 72nd Motor Rifle Division’s 30th Motor Rifle Regiment.

However, the 44th AC may not be fully formed yet. Recruitment ads for the 44th continue to appear on Russian social media as of late April.


Italy plans to transfer the SAMP/T air defense system to Ukraine, La Repubblica has quoted government sources as saying

According to the newspaper, the new deliveries may also include Stinger surface-to-air missiles.


Italy intends to hand over another SAMP/T air defense system battery to Ukraine in the next military aid package to be announced on June 13. It also includes artillery shells.


Why Peace Without Reliable Guarantees is Unattainable

What comes next is critically important as it highlights a crucial strategic perspective that may be controversial and elicit strong emotions. Nevertheless, it is a long, yet essential message that must be addressed.

Discussions around peace negotiations are becoming more frequent. Some of these discussions are inspired by the Kremlin's agenda, aiming to undermine foreign aid to Ukraine. Others stem from genuine concerns among Western elites who seek an exit strategy from the ongoing war and a return to peace. One approach, which I support, suggests providing Ukraine with the means to liberate the entire Ukraine. Still, we must also review and analyze alternative perspectives and options suggested by others. So, what are the options? To answer this, we need a better understanding, which involves modeling scenarios and assessing potential outcomes.
Let's consider a scenario where Ukraine agrees to a ceasefire with Russia, halting major hostilities and freezing the war at the current frontlines. In this situation, likely, that Western aid to Ukraine would gradually decrease. Even during wartime, Ukraine faces challenges in securing sufficient foreign aid, let alone during peacetime. Politicians in democratic countries may find it increasingly difficult to justify prioritizing aid to "peaceful" Ukraine over domestic issues. Ukraine will slowly disappear from the informational field.

Ukraine has lost access to fertile agricultural lands, a nuclear power plant, strategic and industrial facilities (like Azov Stal in Mariupol), seaports, and critical infrastructure. Hundreds of thousands, if not millions are internally displaced, with tens of thousands disabled or injured, and many more moved abroad forever. Ukraine will inevitably grapple with significant social and internal problems, leading to political instability exploited by Russia through hybrid measures. Rebuilding Ukraine's military independently amid these challenges is optimistically unrealistic. Current foreign aid mitigates these issues, but surpassing current aid levels to fully rebuild the military for defense against potential Russian aggression would be extremely challenging, if not impossible.

Meanwhile, Russia is likely to stabilize its economy, rebuild its military, and draw lessons from the past experience. Russia can manage these challenges more effectively due to its financial resources and could also use the populations of newly occupied territories to draft into its military, akin to what occurred in Crimea and Donbas. With its military-industrial complex largely intact, Russia holds an advantage in domestic production compared to Ukraine, where factories and employees have been decimated.

Now, why are the US and other Western countries hesitant to commit to agreements providing NATO membership or similar mutual defense agreement for Ukraine? The honest answer is simple: they fear the high likelihood of another Russian invasion of Ukraine. The US and allies like Germany are unwilling to engage in direct military conflict with Russia. This reluctance underscores their belief that Russia's future aggression is a near certainty. Consequently, proponents of peace advocate reducing aid to Ukraine under the guise of peace, fearing that continued support may harm their political standing at home, branding them as warmongers.

Furthermore, it is almost certain that investment, insurance, and credit organizations will classify Ukraine as a high-risk state in the absence of security guarantees. Regardless of their proclamations, these entities are not philanthropic organizations. In the absence of proper security guarantees, the country may find it challenging to attract long-term investments, and many investors may choose to abstain from investing in Ukraine.

Those advocating for meaningful peace negotiations must present a concrete framework with solid security guarantees, outlining specific actions rather than relying on ambiguous statements and general declarations. Whether through NATO membership or bilateral/trilateral security agreements supported by mutual defense clauses, these guarantees should be implemented immediately after signing them, and not in the form of distant promises of potential alliance membership. Additionally, a detailed plan to rebuild Ukraine and integrate it into the Western/Transatlantic economic and security framework is essential, rather than simply sacrificing Ukraine under the guise of achieving peace.

Until such guarantees and plans are in place, Ukraine remains very vulnerable, and these problems will pave the way for another, certainly more successful Russian invasion, which will erase Ukraine from the map.
 
Good (long) read here:


“Everyone here will tell you that the situation with the wounded has changed dramatically when you compare what it was like a year ago with what we have now,” said Urakov.

“Ninety percent of the wounded that come through here are targeted either by FPV or by drone-dropped munitions.”

Not only has the saturation of the front with drones changed the nature of wounds suffered, but, more critically, it has made evacuating wounded from zero-line positions exponentially more difficult and dangerous.

“You used to be able to evacuate the wounded at night time on vehicles,” said Urakov, “but now they have plenty of drones with night vision… often it is up to the combat medics or infantry to drag them out on foot.”


Still, Russia currently enjoys a more than ten-to-one advantage over Ukraine in available artillery. With the passage of the new U.S. aid package, that advantage will likely shrink to three to one in some regions, which will increase the rate of Russian casualties. But Russia has several ways of pulling Ukrainian forces into fights that are also costly to Ukraine. For example, Russian forces have been using converted glide bombs to devastating effect. These are Soviet-designed FAB-500s—large half-ton bombs—that have been outfitted with wings and guidance kits and that are lobbed by Russian aircraft from behind the Russian lines. With an approximately 40-mile range, they can easily strike Ukrainian towns, collapsing buildings and driving out local populations.
As a result, Ukrainian forces have often been forced to expend significant resources defending costly single positions, simply to shield civilian settlements from coming into Russian glide-bomb range. Take Chasiv Yar, a small town on a key ridge line in the eastern Donetsk region. If it falls, Russian forces will gain a commanding position from which to bombard towns in Donbas and key Ukrainian supply routes. Thus, Ukrainian forces are desperately trying to hold on to it, even as the tactical situation becomes less favorable. The challenge has been amplified by Ukraine’s overstretched air defenses, a situation that now permits Russian planes to come close to the frontlines, increasing the accuracy of their bombing. Unfortunately, the more Ukraine needs its surface-to-air missile systems to protect its cities, the greater it puts at risk its ground forces at the front.
The solution to this challenge would usually be what military strategists call an “active defense,” using small-scale counterattacks to disrupt the attacker’s efforts to consolidate its advances. If, say, Russian forces seized a key position in Chasiv Yar, the Ukrainians could use counterattacks to isolate the position so that the Russians were unable to dig in and keep moving forward. But Ukraine has few reserves and has lost many of the tactical vehicles needed to exploit Russian vulnerabilities soon after they take positions. Lacking the reserves to counterattack, Ukraine must settle for maximizing Russia’s losses for each position it takes, thereby slowing down its rate of advance.
Under these conditions, even the passage of the U.S. aid bill can do only so much to change the battlefield calculus. The long delay in Washington means that it will take time to repair much of the damage to Ukrainian capabilities. Ukraine will lose ground to Russia this summer. The question is how much, and how high a price Ukrainian forces can make the Russians pay for their gains.

Paramount is the need to generate new forces. To do so, Ukraine will need to mobilize more people, improve its training pipeline to maintain a qualitative advantage over Russian units, and adequately equip those new troops. Until now this has been impossible. Lacking equipment and weapons, and unable to predict if and when more might arrive, Ukraine’s military leadership was forced to prioritize all materiel for troops already at the front. The size of the U.S. aid package—and the further support of European partners—means that Ukraine’s military leadership can now implement a deliberate plan to train and equip more troops. Contrary to widespread assumptions, Ukraine does not lack people to mobilize. (According to one recent analysis, there could be several million additional Ukrainians who are able to serve.) What it has lacked is an effective recruitment and training system to bring available people into the force and equipment to provision them. These problems can and must be resolved.
Ukrainian commanders must form new brigades rather than simply bringing their existing formations back up to strength. The army currently lacks enough brigades to rotate them as a whole off the frontline. Instead, individual brigades have been rotating exhausted battalions just off the line of contact for brief respites—a strategy that provides rest but does not allow for collective training of the brigade, since brigade staff and enabling equipment remain at the front. Thus, it is crucial for Ukraine to build and train additional brigades now, so that it can mount an active defense in the fall. Over time, these new units will greatly enhance its ability to counterattack.

The military must therefore pursue mobilization in three stages. First, it must immediately raise battlefield replacements for the existing force. But then it must regenerate reserves to allow existing units to rotate and, after that, build new units able to conduct offensive action. The first is the easiest to solve. Equipment is the limiting factor for the second. For the third, the most limiting factor is officer training. This can be addressed, but it must be done imminently if Ukraine is to generate the needed forces by fall.
Russia will likely be most dangerous in the final months of 2024. By that point, having weathered months of Russian offensive operations, Ukrainian forces will be stretched thin, their air defenses depleted. Russia will likely have enough troops to rotate its units to allow for successive offensives in the fall.
But Russian capabilities are not unlimited. Moscow has made some industrial and military choices that are likely to restrict its offensive potential over the course of 2025. For one, it has decided not to expand production of artillery barrels, with the result that fewer new guns will be available next year. Based on the current loss rate, Russian stockpiles of armored vehicles will also likely be depleted by the second half of 2025. This means that Russian forces will be entirely dependent on newly produced equipment rather than refurbished equipment from existing stock, severely constraining their ability to replenish weapons systems lost in battle. At the same time, beginning in late 2024, European armaments production will begin to climb steadily as investments made last year and in the first months of this year begin to bear fruit. By 2025, then, supply problems should be less acute for Ukraine and more acute for Russia—if Ukraine can hold on until then.

With this longer-term perspective in view, the challenge facing Ukraine and its allies becomes clear. The top priorities must be to ensure not only that Russia’s summer offensive culminates at a high cost to Moscow but also that newly raised Ukrainian troops are in place to blunt further offensives in the autumn—and, ideally, to establish a stable frontline by early 2025. It is only from such a position that Ukraine can regain the initiative. Achieving that objective will depend to a significant degree on how rapidly Ukraine can mobilize and equip its forces. The one commodity it desperately lacks is time.
 

French Foreign Minister Stéphane Sèjourné stated that France estimates Russia has suffered 500,000 military casualties – both killed and wounded – since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine began.

“Russia’s military failure is already evident. Our estimates show 500,000 casualties, including 150,000 killed. And all for what? In short – for nothing,” Sèjourné said in an interview with the Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta. Europa.


The U.S. plans to increase its monthly production rate for 155 millimeter artillery shells to 100,000 in the summer of 2025 Bush told reporters Thursday.


The US is in talks with close partners to lead a group of allies that would give as much as $50 billion in aid to Ukraine, with the massive outlay being repaid with the windfall profits from sovereign Russian assets that have been frozen – and are accruing interest — mostly in Europe.
The plan is being discussed among the Group of Seven nations, with the US pushing to have an agreement when G-7 leaders meet in Italy in June, according to people familiar with the proposal. Discussions on this topic have been difficult and an agreement could still take months, they said.

Most European nations have pushed back against outright confiscation of the assets and have been skeptical of proposals they fear would undermine the euro’s stability or expose them to Russian retaliation. The US push essentially boils down to finding a way to provide Ukraine with the largest possible support quickly rather than in smaller amounts, by better mobilizing the profits produced by the frozen assets, said the people.

Some €159 billion of frozen Russian assets have generated net profit of €557 million ($601 million) from Feb. 15, according to Euroclear’s first quarter financial results. Since last year, the assets have generated about €3.9 billion in net profit.
Russian sovereign assets held by the company could grow to as much as €190 billion by 2028 as they mature into cash, one of the people said.
The assets are expected to generate about €5 billion in windfall profits annually and a central element of the US proposal is to bring forward those proceeds to increase the amount of support Ukraine receives in the near term.
The size of the aid that would be immediately provided to Kyiv would depend on the length of their repayment terms and how long the assets were immobilized to fund the bonds, according to the people.
Another option, previously reported by Bloomberg, would see allies issue some $50 billion worth of bonds through a special purpose vehicle backed by the windfall profits. The updated plans would look to raise similar amounts.


The USAF has announced a contract to equip Ukrainian JDAM-ERs with Home-on GPS Jam seekers.

This should enable Ukrainian Air Force strike aircraft to target Russian GPS jammers near the front, allowing other GPS guided munitions like GMLRS and 155mm Excalibur to hit targets.


A significant amount of work is being carried out to adapt AASM Hammer bombs to F-16 jets that will be delivered to Ukraine.


When we evaluate how weapons perform, it is important to note the conditions in which they operate. Abrams were committed into the fight this winter at a time when Ukraine had a lack of infantry as well as mines, ATGMs, air defense, and artillery ammunition. This may seem bizarre from the outside, but Ukraine often employs tanks in a manner to compensate for a lack of infantry or ammunition for other systems because those are the conditions they face.


Per the U.S. Ambassador to the OSCE, North Korea expects to receive fighters, surface-to-air missile systems, armored fighting vehicles, or ballistic missile production technology in exchange for providing shells and ballistic missiles to Russian for use against Ukraine.
 

An amazing video that shows importance of mavic drones in defensive operations.

At the end of it you can see a mavic 3 drone dropping grenades to help the defending infantry.

YouTube video from Kyiv Independent:

Inside embattled Chasiv Yar, Russia's next target


According to the RDNA-3 assessment, the reconstruction of Ukraine after Russian aggression is expected to cost $486 billion.


Ukrainian Soviet-made aircraft will be able to effectively cooperate with the provided F-16 aircraft, as such experience of joint use already exists.
Illia Yevlash, the spokesman for the Air Force of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, said this on the air of the nationwide telethon 'United News', Ukrinform reports.
“They will absolutely be able to. Earlier, there were training exercises in the 2000s, when F-16s flew to Ukraine together with our foreign partners, and during international exercises, they performed joint maneuvers with Su-27s and MiG-29s, and it was quite successful, quite effective,” Yevlash assured.


The Ukrainian Air Force cannot disclose the exact date when F-16 fighter jets will appear in Ukraine.
Air Force spokesperson Illia Yevlash announced this on Ukrainian television, according to an Ukrinform correspondent.

"We cannot disclose the exact date when the F-16s will appear. There are reports in the public domain that they will appear in June, but we are waiting for the official announcement and only then will we be able to report that these aircraft are in service with the Air Force. Now we have to be patient. In addition, our infrastructure is being prepared to receive these aircraft and ensure their proper maintenance," he said.

Yevlash added that the capabilities of the F-16 jets are much higher than those of the modernized Soviet aircraft that are in service with the Ukrainian Air Force.

On April 27, the Belgian government confirmed the possibility of supplying the first F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine this year and increasing air defense assistance to the country.


The enemy has slightly changed the tactics of using drones: it has reduced the number of Shaheds and intensified the use of reconnaissance UAVs.

Illia Yevlash, the spokesman for the Air Force Command, said this on the air of the nationwide telethon United News, Ukrinform reported.

“We see that the tactics have changed somewhat. Recently, they have not been using or have significantly reduced the number of Shahed-type attack drones, as was the case, for example, two or three weeks ago. Now the enemy has activated reconnaissance drones to adjust its missile strikes. We can see when they use Kh-59s or ballistic missiles, of course, that they are trying to adjust this fire with the help of reconnaissance drones,” Yevlash informed.


“In just the past two years, according to various estimates from open sources, Russia has deported 3 to 5 million Ukrainians from the temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories,” Kondratiuk said in a pre-recorded address. “According to official Ukrainian data, 19,500 children were deported. [...] The unofficial figure is much higher. [...] Over this whole time, Ukraine has managed to return only 388 children from Russia.”
 
Video: https://twitter.com/Militarylandnet/status/1786677725547085867

🎥 Tank of Ukrainian 58th Motorized Brigade repels Russian mechanized attack on their positions.


Three Russian students studying in Finland were detained for allegedly exporting unspecified dual-use goods - items that are suitable for military capabilities, Finnish outlet Yle reported on May 3.

No details were released as to which dual-use goods the students are accused of exporting. Dual-use goods typically refer to a wide-range of items, including technological and electrical components, chemicals, lithium batteries, motors and servomotors for drones, and other various equipment that can be used for military purposes.


Russia’s invasion forces are attempting to penetrate Ukraine’s defenses from three directions at once, continuing the effort to advance in the area of Bilohorivka.
That’s according to Artem Lysohor, head of the Luhansk Regional Military Administration, Ukrinform reports.

"The invaders are trying to break through our defense lines from three sides at once. In particular, they are storming on the Kupiansk axis near Andriyivka and Stelmakhivka. In the areas of Makiivka, Nevske, and Serebrianske forestry on the Lyman axis, the Russians went for assaults with air support. The enemy's attempts to advance in Bilohorivka never stop," the head of the regional administration wrote.


Ukraine is increasingly interested in obtaining the MQ-9 Reaper spy drone from the U.S., bumping it up to the top of its wish list in recent months as it plans operations for the summer and seeks new ways to help identify Russian targets deep behind the front lines.

Since the early days of the war, the Reaper has been a priority for Kyiv as it sought to use them for strike and surveillance missions. But recently, Ukraine has dialed back that request and is mainly interested in using Reapers only for reconnaissance, according to four people familiar with the issue who were granted anonymity to discuss the new strategy.


The three industry officials and a person familiar with the Ukrainian requests all said that the desire for the drones isn’t new, but that the request has become more important to Kyiv as it looks for any battlefield advantage it can muster.

Lithuanian Defence Minister believes NATO underestimated Kremlin's adaptability

Lithuania's Minister of Defence, Laurynas Kasčiūnas, believes that Russia has managed to adapt to sanctions, while the North Atlantic Alliance has underestimated its ability to do so.

Source: European Pravda, citing Lithuanian public broadcaster LRT

Details: Laurynas Kasčiūnas emphasised that "the starting point for the new NATO summit should be the Russian military threat." The minister said the alliance "underestimated the Kremlin's ability to adapt to the situation."

Quote: "Despite sanctions, Moscow has moved its economy to a war footing because, under an authoritarian regime, it doesn't have to worry much about the social welfare of its society," explained the Lithuanian minister.

This error and underestimation arose because, during attempts to "understand the opponent – Russia – the USA and Europe proceeded from the fact that they applied a Western approach and criteria in assessing its strategy", Kasčiūnas said.
 

Weapons pledged by the United States, Britain and Germany — all of which have announced major new military support over the last three weeks — could take months to arrive in numbers substantial enough to bolster Ukraine’s defenses on the battlefield, officials said.
That has raised questions about Ukraine’s ability to hold off the Russian attacks that have had Kyiv at a disadvantage for several months.

A confidential U.S. military assessment this week concluded that Russia would continue to make marginal gains in the east and southeast leading up to May 9, the Victory Day holiday, a senior U.S. official said. However, it concluded that the Ukrainian military would not collapse completely along the front lines despite the severe ammunition shortages, the official said.
Other American officials do not believe Russia has the forces to make a major push before May 9, a day Moscow usually uses to show off its military might. That would require a large buildup of forces that American officials so far have not seen.

Still, analysts inside and outside the U.S. government said that it would probably be summer at best, and year’s end at worst, before Ukraine can stabilize its front lines with the new infusion of aid.

American and European officials described the effort to send weapons to Ukraine as an uptick from the modest but steady trickle of aid from allies over the last six months.
Some of the new weapons began arriving even before they were announced. A British defense official said that parts of the estimated $620 million in aid that Prime Minister Rishi Sunak unveiled on April 23 — Britain’s largest single military infusion to Ukraine so far — began moving weeks ago.
But it could take weeks for the arrival of additional shipments of long-range Storm Shadow missiles, which the British official described as “an absolute priority.” The official would not be more specific, citing security concerns, and spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe the sensitive delivery process.
Senior U.S. and other Western officials agreed that artillery, air defense interceptors and other ammunition were Ukraine’s most pressing needs. They are also among the weapons that can be delivered more quickly: flown to depots by military aircraft and then sent over the border in trains or trucks, packaged in pallets that are easy to conceal.

The pace has picked up, defense officials said, at Rzeszow-Jasionka Airport in southeast Poland, around 50 miles from the Ukraine border, since Congress approved the aid.
Deliveries can be especially quick if the ammunition is already stockpiled in central and Eastern Europe, where the United States and other allies keep reserves.

It can take as little as a few days for logistics specialists at a U.S. military base in Wiesbaden, Germany, to coordinate delivery for the most urgently needed arms, officials said.
Combat vehicles, boats, sophisticated cannons, missile launchers and air defense systems are much more difficult and take longer to transfer — in part because their size often requires them to be shipped by sea and heavily guarded trains.
One American official said most of the larger weapons that were financed by the new U.S. aid, and even some of the ammunition, would be shipped from the United States and most likely not be delivered until well into the summer — or even later. The U.S. official also spoke on the condition of anonymity.
Complicating matters, not all the weapons that have been promised are immediately available.
The U.S. official noted that it would take time to sort out which items could be given to Ukraine without depleting NATO units that need to be combat-ready, such as those that use Bradley infantry fighting vehicles and Humvee personnel carriers that were part of the American package. Other arms, like the 155-millimeter artillery rounds that Ukraine desperately needs, are in short supply worldwide.

And Ukrainian troops need training to use some weapons before they can be transferred, like the third German donation of a Patriot system that was announced on April 13.
On Monday, around 70 Ukrainian troops will begin a six-week course on the Patriots at an air base in eastern Germany. That is accelerated from the six-to-nine-month course that German air forces generally undergo, said Col. Jan-Henrik Suchordt, the branch head of surface-based air and missile defenses at Germany’s Air Force headquarters.

“You can’t just give away a weapons system like Patriot without training the people on how to use it,” Colonel Suchordt said in an interview on Thursday.
Once the training is completed, it usually takes German forces about two days to truck the huge missile launchers, radar and other parts to the logistics hub in Poland and to give them to Ukrainian officials to take across the border.
The newly pledged Patriot system is not expected to arrive in Ukraine until late June at the earliest. Its delivery could coincide with shipment of another major weapon system Ukraine has long demanded: F-16 fighter jets. Though Ukraine has been asking for the warplanes almost since the start of the war in February 2022, they are not expected to be delivered until this summer — and only in small numbers initially.
 
I saw an article but can't find it now outlining the Russians have effectively countered some of our equipment. Apparently the Abrams have been pulled off frontline because they have been losing them to drone attacks and the Excalibur munition has seen a drastic drop in effectiveness due to Russian electronic warfare changes they have made to counter them among some others.
 

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