I ask again to anyone who knows Desantis...in what ways is he fundamentally different that Trump?
IMO viewing DeSantis in relation to Trump is misguided, and probably due in large part to that silly ad he ran during his gubernatorial campaign. He was a founding member of the House Freedom Caucus. He's much more like a Jim Jordan than he is like Trump. Which is to say, he's highly ideological (which is, uh, not a word I'd use to describe Trump).
He's also very smart, which allows him to put an intellectual spin on his views. The pandemic is the perfect distillation of that. Trump minimized Covid because he thought it would hurt his re-election chances. He opposed masks because he thought they made him look weak. DeSantis, meanwhile, went out and found all those iconoclastic
Great Barrington Declaration academics and came up with a whole worldview around how Covid restrictions were unnecessary, vaccines aren't important, etc.
The one way they are similar is that they both intuited that the path to political salvation lay in constantly stoking the MAGA base, always picking fights with liberals and refusing to back down. I wish I could give credit to whoever posted this, but in one of the threads here someone said something like Trump wants you to fight his enemies, DeSantis wants to fight your enemies.
I do agree that he would likely clear the low bar of not trying to overturn election results, leading armed assaults on the Capitol, etc. And that's definitely not nothing! But I'm not entirely sold on his
commitment to democracy. I think he (like a disturbingly growing number of people on the right) see Viktor Orban as a model. Orban isn't about throwing elections, he's about rigging the game so that he never has to worry about losing them. And this is where his hard-right ideology comes into play. As outlined in the article I linked to above:
DeSantis does not believe the Constitution merely establishes a set of ground rules for how policy should be written. He thinks the Constitution requires that conservative Republican policy prevail forever. This is not an original belief. It was the dominant right-wing position from the late-19th century through the middle of the New Deal, and conservative courts routinely struck down all sorts of progressive legislation on the grounds that the Constitution prohibits active government intervention in the economy.
[...]
DeSantis’s core conviction is that an outcome in which Democrats win majorities through free and fair elections and vote to expand social spending by taxing the rich is fundamentally illegitimate. He is far from the only Republican to hold this view. The American right has never fully accepted the legitimacy of democratically elected majorities setting economic policy.
This principle helps explain why even most Republicans who get queasy over Trump’s authoritarianism ultimately support him anyway. The prospect of Democrats winning elections poses a graver threat to the Constitution than Republicans stealing them.
All that said, I would still take DeSantis over Trump six days a week and twice on Sunday. He's smart and cagey and, more than any politician since Obama, has been blessed with incompetent opponents. If he enters office with large GOP majorities, I fear he would do far more legislative damage than Trump or Bush. But he doesn't represent the kind of frontal assault on democracy that Trump does.