tom22406 said:
And now we wait for the next tragedy......................................
As I was telling Tim,this battle was won but the war is far from over for either side.
Are you really implying that passage of this bill would prevent another tragedy?
I doubt anyone is suggesting that this bill would have solved the problem of gun violence in its entirety.
But yeah, passing this bill would have undoubtedly prevented some tragedies.
Name one.
It's your position that not a single gun death would be prevented by expanding background checks?
I'm asking you to name one.
That's silly. What I can do is direct you to studies that show how additional background checks in some states lead to fewer homicides.
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Three studies have examined how state laws limiting access to guns for
DVRO respondents and domestic violence misdemeanants affect IPH (Vigdor and Mercy 2003, 2006; Zeoli and Webster 2010). Vigdor and Mercy examined the effects of state DVRO and domestic violence misdemeanant gun
restrictions on state-level IPH from 1982 to 1998 (2003), and again from 1982
to 2002 (2006). In both studies, DVRO laws were significantly associated with
reductions in IPH risk, both for IPHs committed with guns and total IPHs.
Further investigation uncovered that these reductions rested on the capacity
of states to support background checks on would-be gun purchasers (Vigdor
and Mercy 2003, 2006). This finding highlights the importance of ensuring
that systems for implementing these laws are in place and supported: the prohibition against purchasing a gun can be effective only if background checks
yield current, comprehensive, and accurate disqualifying information.
There was also a measurable difference in the effect of laws prohibiting
gun purchases compared to laws prohibiting possession only (Vigdor and
Mercy 2006). In states prohibiting purchase, total and gun IPH had an associated reduction of 10% to 12%; there was no measurable impact of possessiononly laws. Purchase may be the more effective prohibited action because the
restriction on possession relies on respondents to voluntarily surrender their
guns or law enforcement to collect guns from newly prohibited respondents
(Vigdor and Mercy 2006).
A later analysis of state domestic violence gun laws and IPH in 46 U.S. cities from 1979 to 2003 provides further evidence of the state DVRO laws’ impact (Zeoli and Webster 2010). The 46 cities were in 27 states, 15 of which have
DVRO gun prohibitions and 9 of which have domestic violence misdemeanant gun prohibitions. Cities in states with DVRO gun restrictions had 19%
fewer IPHs and 25% fewer IPHs committed with guns compared to cities
without those state laws (Zeoli and Webster 2010)