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The Case Against Global-Warming Skepticism (1 Viewer)

cstu said:
jon_mx said:
If you guys love glaciers so much, go live on one.
This is something we agree on. A warmer Earth to me is not the nightmare people are painting is as. Humans are adaptable and we'll adapt to higher ocean levels and whatever more extreme weather comes with it.

People also ignore all the possible benefits from global warming and only focus on the negatives.
Good point...why would people think that the temperature is currently optimal?

 
TheIronSheik said:
Rove! said:
BustedKnuckles said:
Josie Maran said:
Climate change is gonna be awesome, you guys!
i think the storms will be fun to watch as they grow in intensity...the devastation will make for great CNN viewing
http://www.cpc.ncep.noaa.gov/products/outlooks/hurricane.shtml

NOAA’s 2014 Atlantic Hurricane Season Outlook indicates that a near-normal or below-normal hurricane season is likely this year. The outlook calls for a 50% chance of a below-normal season, a 40% chance of a near-normal season, and only a 10% chance of an above-normal season. See NOAA definitions of above-, near-, and below-normal seasons. The Atlantic hurricane region includes the North Atlantic Ocean, Caribbean Sea, and Gulf of Mexico.
A below normal hurricane season is evidence of climate change; so is an above normal one.
Not sure if you're being sarcastic or not, but this is incorrect.

First thing: There is no such thing as a "normal" season. The word normal gets used a lot in weather, when people actually mean "average."
Goody for you. But since one of the meanings of "normal" is average or mean, your acumen is sadly lacking.

 
It looks like things are about to get real:

http://www.nationaljournal.com/energy/lies-damn-lies-and-global-warming-rules-20140529

President Obama promised to take action on global warming with or without Congress's permission. Next week, he'll tell the world how he plans to do it.

The administration is preparing to release the central pillar of Obama's climate-change agenda: a proposal for far-reaching rules that will require power companies to cut carbon emissions.

The rules will mark the most significant federal action on climate change since Democrats' cap-and-trade bill died in the Senate four years ago, and they're Obama's best shot at adding broad action on global warming to his legacy.

The rules will also touch off a political war of the first order, offering battleground for environmentalists, industry groups, and politicians to fight over the nation's energy future.
Here's what to watch for when the administration pulls back the curtain.

Don't Believe the Hype

Industry backers and environmentalists are serving up plenty of spin in an attempt to win the public-opinion battle over the Environmental Protection Agency's climate rules, but the messaging will be long on fiction—or, at the very least, on speculation—and short on facts.

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is claiming that the regulations for existing power plants will force consumers to pay billions of dollars in additional electricity costs, while the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmental heavyweight, claims that the rule will actually lower your utility bill.

The messaging reflect both sides' recognition that the way to make the public care about these rules is to connect the policies to people's wallets. But attempts at carbon accounting on both sides of the political spectrum are highly speculative and virtually guaranteed to come up short.

That's because these rules are in their opening act, and answers about them won't come until we're much closer to the finale.

Monday's regulations are a draft and aren't expected to be finalized for at least another year. That means variables that enter into electricity price determinations—such as the way the rules affect state policies, market forces, and technology innovations—won't be set in stone for a long time. Economic models used to project costs may serve as an educated guess for now, but that still makes them a guess.

Then there's the projection problem. States aren't expected to begin complying with the rules until sometime between 2018 and 2020. That's a long way off, and a lot could change between now and then.

Variables like the cost of electricity ginned up by fossil fuels and renewable energy are subject to change over time. Natural-gas prices, for example, are famous for their volatility. And while gas prices are relatively low right now, there's no way to know with absolute certainty how long that will last. As a result, price predictions based on assumptions about the future price of gas and renewables are likely to be wrong.

"Generally, replacing low-cost sources with higher cost sources can raise power prices. With this many unknowns, however, any generalization is likely to be generally wrong," said Kevin Book, the founder of energy analysis firm ClearView Energy Partners.

The Hype Will Be Massive

The rule's results won't be clear for years, but the massive political, lobbying, and legal battle will begin immediately.

Industry players see the regulations as a threat to their bottom line, while environmentalists view the climate rules as their best bet to crack down on power plants' carbon pollution. And so both sides are waging a two-track campaign in which they will both lobby the administration and vie for public support.

Capitol Hill is also clamoring to get in on the action. Democrats who are secure in their seats have already given the president plenty of cover by loudly defending the regulations. Republicans, on the other hand, are doing their best to tear down any justification for the rules. House Speaker John Boehner sharply criticized the climate rules ahead of their release on Thursday, saying: "Every proposal that has come out of this administration to deal with climate change involves hurting our economy and killing American jobs."

The White House is putting its highest-profile people front and center to defend the rule.

After the Chamber of Commerce said on Wednesday that the regulations would kill jobs and cause electricity prices to soar, EPA took the unusual step of directly rebutting the report while senior White House adviser John Podesta took to Twitter to bash the analysis.

The climate rules are the president's best chance at shoring up a legacy on climate change, and he knows it. For the president, it's personal. And it's high-stakes for everyone involved.

The Whole World Is Watching

EPA's authority ends at the U.S. border, but the rules' influence won't.

Getting the rules out ahead of upcoming United Nations talks is important, said Robert Stavins, a Harvard University expert on international emissions policy. World leaders will convene in Paris in late 2015 for a make-or-break meeting that is supposed to yield a global pact on greenhouse-gas emissions.

"It will increase the credibility of the U.S. representatives in the international negotiations in Lima in 2014 and Paris in 2015, and may therefore enable the U.S. to be somewhat more influential in the talks," said Stavins, who's with Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government.

Other nations will be watching carefully.

"The Paris Agreement will be heavily influenced by the sense of whether the U.S. is taking the issue of climate change seriously or not," said Jennifer Morgan, director of the climate and energy program at the World Resources Institute, an environmental think tank. "If the administration does propose regulation that is ambitious and demonstrates leadership to decarbonize the power sector, it will certainly inspire more ambition from other countries."

The White House, for its part, clearly views the domestic rules as a diplomatic tool. Obama has repeatedly argued that a more-aggressive U.S. carbon policy is needed to create leverage in international climate talks, where the United States will attempt to win meaningful commitments from China (the world's top carbon polluter) and India to address their contributions to climate change.

He made that point briefly in a foreign policy speech Wednesday while taking a direct shot at GOP climate skeptics.

"American influence is always stronger when we lead by example," Obama said in a speech to West Point graduates. "We can't exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everybody else. We can't call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it's taking place."

The Rules Will Make Their Mark in the Senate's Tightest Races

Look for the rules to play a political role in several close Senate races where vulnerable Democrats are seeking reelection in conservative states.

Republican political operatives alleging the rules will hurt the economy will seek to tether lawmakers, including Louisiana's Mary Landrieu and Arkansas's Mark Pryor, to Obama's climate agenda. Both have opposed greenhouse-gas regulations in the past; look for them to try to separate their own energy platforms from the one emerging from the White House.

Climate change is never a top-tier issue in polling. But it could emerge in the political foreground like never before this year. In addition to the rules, billionaire environmental activist Tom Steyer is planning to pour $100 million into Senate and governor's races to promote candidates who support emissions curbs.

The Rules Could Create New Daylight for Carbon Taxes—But Not Where You Think

The rules will reportedly require carbon cuts in the range of 20 to 25 percent, but they're expected to provide states and utilities with lots of leeway on how to meet that mandate: Think initiatives promoting renewable energy and energy efficiency.

Some states have already moved ahead with cap-and-trade systems—which already exist among a group of Northeast and Mid-Atlantic states, as well as in California—and those plans may pass EPA muster if their caps are tight enough.

But what about carbon taxes?

They're dead on arrival at the federal level, even though some economists call them the most straightforward, market-based way to gain emissions cuts. They haven't caught on at the state level, either, but some carbon-tax advocates want EPA to signal that a state could decide to impose its own carbon tax as an avenue for complying with the regulations.

This paper from experts with Stanford University and the Brookings Institution, who say a carbon tax is the most cost-effective way to cut emissions, makes the legal case that the Clean Air Act provides EPA plenty of leeway. It also argues, "EPA can encourage this approach by providing the states with model tax levels and compliance schedules in its emission guideline."

So will EPA use the "T" word?

"The hope is that EPA will give states broad flexibility to deploy whatever policy mechanisms make the most sense for them, which could include a carbon tax that would achieve the needed emission reductions," said Megan Ceronsky, a senior lawyer with the Environmental Defense Fund.

"I don't know what kind of specificity the agency will provide in terms of 'examples' of policy mechanisms that would be approvable—you might instead see a set of criteria that would ensure that the needed emission reductions will be achieved and are enforceable," she said.

 
timschochet said:
It looks like things are about to get real:

http://www.nationaljournal.com/energy/lies-damn-lies-and-global-warming-rules-20140529

President Obama promised to take action on global warming with or without Congress's permission. Next week, he'll tell the world how he plans to do it.

The administration is preparing to release the central pillar of Obama's climate-change agenda: a proposal for far-reaching rules that will require power companies to cut carbon emissions.

The rules will mark the most significant federal action on climate change since Democrats' cap-and-trade bill died in the Senate four years ago, and they're Obama's best shot at adding broad action on global warming to his legacy.

The rules will also touch off a political war of the first order, offering battleground for environmentalists, industry groups, and politicians to fight over the nation's energy future.
Here's what to watch for when the administration pulls back the curtain.

Don't Believe the Hype

Industry backers and environmentalists are serving up plenty of spin in an attempt to win the public-opinion battle over the Environmental Protection Agency's climate rules, but the messaging will be long on fiction—or, at the very least, on speculation—and short on facts.

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is claiming that the regulations for existing power plants will force consumers to pay billions of dollars in additional electricity costs, while the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmental heavyweight, claims that the rule will actually lower your utility bill.

The messaging reflect both sides' recognition that the way to make the public care about these rules is to connect the policies to people's wallets. But attempts at carbon accounting on both sides of the political spectrum are highly speculative and virtually guaranteed to come up short.

That's because these rules are in their opening act, and answers about them won't come until we're much closer to the finale.

Monday's regulations are a draft and aren't expected to be finalized for at least another year. That means variables that enter into electricity price determinations—such as the way the rules affect state policies, market forces, and technology innovations—won't be set in stone for a long time. Economic models used to project costs may serve as an educated guess for now, but that still makes them a guess.

Then there's the projection problem. States aren't expected to begin complying with the rules until sometime between 2018 and 2020. That's a long way off, and a lot could change between now and then.

Variables like the cost of electricity ginned up by fossil fuels and renewable energy are subject to change over time. Natural-gas prices, for example, are famous for their volatility. And while gas prices are relatively low right now, there's no way to know with absolute certainty how long that will last. As a result, price predictions based on assumptions about the future price of gas and renewables are likely to be wrong.

"Generally, replacing low-cost sources with higher cost sources can raise power prices. With this many unknowns, however, any generalization is likely to be generally wrong," said Kevin Book, the founder of energy analysis firm ClearView Energy Partners.

The Hype Will Be Massive

The rule's results won't be clear for years, but the massive political, lobbying, and legal battle will begin immediately.

Industry players see the regulations as a threat to their bottom line, while environmentalists view the climate rules as their best bet to crack down on power plants' carbon pollution. And so both sides are waging a two-track campaign in which they will both lobby the administration and vie for public support.

Capitol Hill is also clamoring to get in on the action. Democrats who are secure in their seats have already given the president plenty of cover by loudly defending the regulations. Republicans, on the other hand, are doing their best to tear down any justification for the rules. House Speaker John Boehner sharply criticized the climate rules ahead of their release on Thursday, saying: "Every proposal that has come out of this administration to deal with climate change involves hurting our economy and killing American jobs."

The White House is putting its highest-profile people front and center to defend the rule.

After the Chamber of Commerce said on Wednesday that the regulations would kill jobs and cause electricity prices to soar, EPA took the unusual step of directly rebutting the report while senior White House adviser John Podesta took to Twitter to bash the analysis.

The climate rules are the president's best chance at shoring up a legacy on climate change, and he knows it. For the president, it's personal. And it's high-stakes for everyone involved.

The Whole World Is Watching

EPA's authority ends at the U.S. border, but the rules' influence won't.

Getting the rules out ahead of upcoming United Nations talks is important, said Robert Stavins, a Harvard University expert on international emissions policy. World leaders will convene in Paris in late 2015 for a make-or-break meeting that is supposed to yield a global pact on greenhouse-gas emissions.

"It will increase the credibility of the U.S. representatives in the international negotiations in Lima in 2014 and Paris in 2015, and may therefore enable the U.S. to be somewhat more influential in the talks," said Stavins, who's with Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government.

Other nations will be watching carefully.

"The Paris Agreement will be heavily influenced by the sense of whether the U.S. is taking the issue of climate change seriously or not," said Jennifer Morgan, director of the climate and energy program at the World Resources Institute, an environmental think tank. "If the administration does propose regulation that is ambitious and demonstrates leadership to decarbonize the power sector, it will certainly inspire more ambition from other countries."

The White House, for its part, clearly views the domestic rules as a diplomatic tool. Obama has repeatedly argued that a more-aggressive U.S. carbon policy is needed to create leverage in international climate talks, where the United States will attempt to win meaningful commitments from China (the world's top carbon polluter) and India to address their contributions to climate change.

He made that point briefly in a foreign policy speech Wednesday while taking a direct shot at GOP climate skeptics.

"American influence is always stronger when we lead by example," Obama said in a speech to West Point graduates. "We can't exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everybody else. We can't call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it's taking place."

The Rules Will Make Their Mark in the Senate's Tightest Races

Look for the rules to play a political role in several close Senate races where vulnerable Democrats are seeking reelection in conservative states.

Republican political operatives alleging the rules will hurt the economy will seek to tether lawmakers, including Louisiana's Mary Landrieu and Arkansas's Mark Pryor, to Obama's climate agenda. Both have opposed greenhouse-gas regulations in the past; look for them to try to separate their own energy platforms from the one emerging from the White House.

Climate change is never a top-tier issue in polling. But it could emerge in the political foreground like never before this year. In addition to the rules, billionaire environmental activist Tom Steyer is planning to pour $100 million into Senate and governor's races to promote candidates who support emissions curbs.

The Rules Could Create New Daylight for Carbon Taxes—But Not Where You Think

The rules will reportedly require carbon cuts in the range of 20 to 25 percent, but they're expected to provide states and utilities with lots of leeway on how to meet that mandate: Think initiatives promoting renewable energy and energy efficiency.

Some states have already moved ahead with cap-and-trade systems—which already exist among a group of Northeast and Mid-Atlantic states, as well as in California—and those plans may pass EPA muster if their caps are tight enough.

But what about carbon taxes?

They're dead on arrival at the federal level, even though some economists call them the most straightforward, market-based way to gain emissions cuts. They haven't caught on at the state level, either, but some carbon-tax advocates want EPA to signal that a state could decide to impose its own carbon tax as an avenue for complying with the regulations.

This paper from experts with Stanford University and the Brookings Institution, who say a carbon tax is the most cost-effective way to cut emissions, makes the legal case that the Clean Air Act provides EPA plenty of leeway. It also argues, "EPA can encourage this approach by providing the states with model tax levels and compliance schedules in its emission guideline."

So will EPA use the "T" word?

"The hope is that EPA will give states broad flexibility to deploy whatever policy mechanisms make the most sense for them, which could include a carbon tax that would achieve the needed emission reductions," said Megan Ceronsky, a senior lawyer with the Environmental Defense Fund.

"I don't know what kind of specificity the agency will provide in terms of 'examples' of policy mechanisms that would be approvable—you might instead see a set of criteria that would ensure that the needed emission reductions will be achieved and are enforceable," she said.
So he's going to bypass Congress? I'd say "no way" but then realize the Democrats in Congress are sleazy and corrupt and don't care one bit about laws and checks and balances as long as it serves the far left POV.

 
Last edited by a moderator:
Deconstruction of the "97%"

Last week Secretary of State John Kerry warned graduating Boston College students that climate change would have “crippling consequences.” Indeed, he added, “Ninety-seven percent of the world’s scientists tell us this is urgent.”

Where did Mr. Kerry get his 97% figure? Perhaps from his boss, President Obama, who tweeted on May 16 that “Ninety-seven percent of scientists agree: #climate change is real, man-made and dangerous.” Or maybe from NASA, which posted (in more measured language) on its website, “Ninety-seven percent of climate scientists agree that climate-warming trends over the past century are very likely due to human activities.”

In reality, the assertion that 97% of scientists believe that climate change is a man-made, urgent problem is science fiction. The so-called consensus comes from a handful of surveys and exercises in counting abstracts from scientific papers – all of which have been contradicted by more reliable research.

One frequently cited source for the consensus is a 2004 opinion essay published in Science magazine by Naomi Oreskes, a science historian now at Harvard. She claimed to have examined abstracts of 928 articles published in scientific journals between 1993 and 2003, and to have found that 75% supported the view that human activities are responsible for most of the observed warming over the previous 50 years, while none directly dissented.

Ms. Oreskes’s definition of consensus covered “man-made” influences but left out “dangerous” – and excluded scores of articles by prominent scientists such as Richard Lindzen, John Christy, Sherwood Idso and Patrick Michaels, who question the consensus. Her methodology is also flawed. A study published earlier this year in the journal Nature noted that abstracts of academic papers often contain claims that aren’t substantiated in the papers – but she failed to acknowledge or address this.

Another widely cited source for the consensus view is a 2009 article in Eos: Transactions of the American Geophysical Union, by Maggie Kendall Zimmerman, a student at the University of Illinois, and her master’s thesis adviser Peter Doran. It reported the results of a two-question online survey of selected scientists. Mr. Doran and Ms. Zimmerman claimed “97 percent of climate scientists agree” that global temperatures have risen, and that humans are a significant contributing factor.

The survey’s questions don’t reveal much of interest. Most scientists who are skeptical of man-made catastrophic global warming would nevertheless answer “yes” to both questions. However, the survey was silent on whether the human impact – or the rise in temperature – is large enough to constitute a problem. It also failed to include solar scientists, space scientists, cosmologists, physicists, meteorologists or astronomers, who are the scientists most likely to be aware of natural causes of climate change.

The “97 percent” figure in the Zimmerman/Doran survey represents the views of only 79 respondents who listed climate science as an area of expertise and said they published more than half of their recent peer-reviewed papers on climate change. Seventy-nine scientists out of the 3,146 who responded to the survey – or out of the 10,257 scientists who received it – does not a consensus make.

In 2010, William R. Love Anderegg, then a student at Stanford University, used Google Scholar to identify the views of the most prolific writers on climate change. His findings were published in Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences. Mr. Love Anderegg found that 97% to 98% of the 200 most prolific writers on climate change believe “anthropogenic greenhouse gases have been responsible for ‘most’ of the ‘unequivocal’ warming.” There was no mention of how dangerous this climate change might be; and, of course, 200 researchers out of the thousands who have contributed to the climate science debate is not evidence of consensus.

In 2013, John Cook, an Australia-based blogger, and some of his friends reviewed abstracts of peer-reviewed papers published from 1991 to 2011. Mr. Cook reported that 97% of those who stated a position explicitly or implicitly suggest that human activity is responsible for some warming. [emphasis added] His findings were published in Environmental Research Letters.

Mr. Cook’s work was quickly debunked. In the August 2013 Science and Education, for example, David R. Legates (a professor of geography at the University of Delaware and former director of its Center for Climatic Research) and three coauthors reviewed the same papers as Mr. Cook did. They found that “only 41 papers – 0.3% of all 11,944 abstracts or 1.0% of the 4,014 expressing an opinion, and not 97.1% – had been found to endorse” the claim that human activity is causing most of the current warming.

Elsewhere, Craig Idso, Nicola Scafetta, Nir J. Shaviv and Nils-Axel Morner and other climate scientists protested that Mr. Cook ignored or misrepresented their work. In each case, their research questions or contradicts the alleged consensus.

Rigorous international surveys conducted by German scientists Dennis Bray and Hans von Storch – most recently published in Environmental Science & Policy in 2010 – have found that most climate scientists disagree with the alleged consensus on various key issues, such as the reliability of climate data and computer models. They also do not believe climate processes like cloud formation and precipitation are sufficiently understood to enable accurate predictions of future climate change.

Surveys of meteorologists repeatedly find a majority oppose or disagree with the alleged consensus. Only 39.5% of 1,854 American Meteorological Society members who responded to a survey in 2012 said man-made global warming is dangerous.

Finally, the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change – which claims to speak for more than 2,500 scientists – is probably the most frequently cited source for the asserted consensus. Its latest report claims that “human interference with the climate system is occurring, and climate change poses risks for human and natural systems.” Yet relatively few have either written about or reviewed research having to do with the key questions: How much of the temperature increase and other climate changes observed in the twentieth century were caused by man-made greenhouse-gas emissions – and how serious are the risks? The IPCC lists only 41 authors and editors of the relevant chapter of the Fifth Assessment Report addressing “anthropogenic and natural radiative forcing.” What about the views of other experts?

Of the various petitions on global warming circulated for signatures by scientists, the one by the Petition Project, a group of physicists and physical chemists based in La Jolla, California, has by far the most signatures: more than 31,000 (more than 9,000 of whom have PhDs). It was most recently published in 2009, and most signers were added or reaffirmed since 2007. The petition states that “there is no convincing scientific evidence that human release of … carbon dioxide, methane or other greenhouse gases is causing or will, in the foreseeable future, cause catastrophic heating of the Earth’s atmosphere and disruption of the Earth’s climate.”

We could go on, but the larger point is plain. There is no basis for the claim that 97% of scientists believe that man-made climate change is a dangerous problem.
 
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".

Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".

 
Last edited by a moderator:
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".
It's already too late. There is absolutely nothing that can be done to stop it short of completely shutting down the global economy.Now that would be dangerous.

Thankfully, no nation is nearly that stupid.

 
Last edited by a moderator:
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".
It's already too late. There is absolutely nothing that can be done to stop it short of completely shutting down the global economy.
CBusAlex was right.

 
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".
It's already too late. There is absolutely nothing that can be done to stop it short of completely shutting down the global economy.
CBusAlex was right.
I'm going to write that on my raft

 
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".
It's already too late. There is absolutely nothing that can be done to stop it short of completely shutting down the global economy.Now that would be dangerous.

Thankfully, no nation is nearly that stupid.
"global warming is happening and caused by human activity, and it's dangerous".

is the the party line being pushed by the administration and many in the media urging that we take action. It is not an unreasonable threshold to have to see if we should be concerned about it. When you hear somebody claiming a scientific consensus or that "it's a fact" we should be clear on what there is some agreement on.

 
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".
It's already too late. There is absolutely nothing that can be done to stop it short of completely shutting down the global economy.
CBusAlex was right.
:shrug:

This goalpost has never moved. We have never been a position to stop Global Warming. The early propositions to stop it were never even remotely feasible.

If you believe it's as dangerous as some would like to think then you are best off supporting policies that will help the country adapt.

 
Deconstruction of the "97%"
So it looks like the goalposts have moved from "global warning isn't happening" to "global warming is happening, but it's not caused by human activity" to "global warming is happening and caused by human activity, but it's not dangerous".Once that domino falls, what do we think the next one will be? My money is on "global warming is happening and caused by human activity and dangerous, but it's too late to do anything about it now".
It's already too late. There is absolutely nothing that can be done to stop it short of completely shutting down the global economy.
CBusAlex was right.
:shrug:

This goalpost has never moved. We have never been a position to stop Global Warming. The early propositions to stop it were never even remotely feasible.

If you believe it's as dangerous as some would like to think then you are best off supporting policies that will help the country adapt.
world

 
Great piece, well worth the read

http://science.house.gov/sites/republicans.science.house.gov/files/documents/HHRG-113-SY-WState-DBotkin-20140529.pdf

WRITTEN TESTIMONY TO THE HOUSE SUBCOMMITTEE ON SCIENCE, SPACE, AND TECHNOLOGY. MAY 29, 2014

From: http://science.house.gov/sites/republicans.science.house.gov/files/documents/HHRG-113-SY-WState-DBotkin-20140529.pdf

DANIEL B. BOTKIN

Since 1968 I have published research on theoretical global warming, its potential ecological effects, and the implications for people and biodiversity. I have spent my career trying to help conserve our environment and its great diversity of species. In doing so I have always attempted to maintain an objective, intellectually honest, scientific approach in the best tradition of scientific endeavor. I have, accordingly, been dismayed and disappointed in recent years that this subject has been converted into a political and ideological debate. I have colleagues on both sides of the debate and believe we should work together as scientists instead of arguing divisively about preconceived, emotionally based “positions.” I hope my testifying here will help lead to a calmer, more rational approach to dealing with not only climate change but also other major environmental problems. The IPCC 2014 report does not have this kind of rational discussion we should be having. I would like to tell you why.

The IPCC 2014 report is actually a series of reports, each long, complex in organization, and extensive in scope. Since it’s not possible to discuss the Summary Reports for Policymakers in detail today, I will highlight some of my thoughts for you here as they relate to the reports, hoping to bring a saner, more sober approach to this highly charged issue.

To characterize where we are with this report and this issue, I would like to quote James R. Schlesinger, the first U.S. Energy Secretary, who said: “We have only two modes — complacency and panic.”—commenting on the country’s approach to energy (1977)

Now to my major points.

1. I want to state up front that we have been living through a warming trend driven by a variety of influences. However, it is my view that this is not unusual, and contrary to the characterizations by the IPCC and the National Climate Assessment, these environmental changes are not apocalyptic nor irreversible.

2. My biggest concern is that both the reports present a number of speculative, and sometimes incomplete, conclusions embedded in language that gives them more scientific heft than they deserve. The reports are “scientific-sounding” rather than based on clearly settled facts or admitting their lack. Established facts about the global environment exist less often in science than laymen usually think.

3. HAS IT BEEN WARMING? Yes, we have been living through a warming trend, no doubt about that. The rate of change we are experiencing is also not unprecedented, and the “mystery” of the warming “plateau” simply indicates the inherent complexity of our global biosphere. Change is normal, life on Earth is inherently risky; it always has been. The two reports, however, makes it seem that environmental change is apocalyptic and irreversible. It is not.

4. IS CLIMATE CHANGE VERY UNUSUAL? No, it has always undergone changes.

5. ARE GREENHOUSE GASES INCREASING? Yes, CO2 rapidly.

6. IS THERE GOOD SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH ON CLIMATE CHANGE? Yes, a great deal of it.

7. ARE THERE GOOD SCIENTISTS INVOLVED IN THE IPCC 2014 REPORT? Yes, the lead author of the Terrestrial (land) Ecosystem Report is Richard Betts, a coauthor of one my scientific papers about forecasting effects of global warming on biodiversity.

8. ARE THERE SCIENTIFICALLY ACCURATE STATEMENTS AT PLACES IN THE REPORT? Yes, there are.

9. What I sought to learn was the overall take-away that the reports leave with a reader. I regret to say that I was left with the impression that the reports overestimate the danger from human-induced climate change and do not contribute to our ability to solve major environmental problems. I am afraid that an “agenda” permeates the reports, an implication that humans and our activity are necessarily bad and ought to be curtailed.

10. ARE THERE MAJOR PROBLEMS WITH THE REPORTS? Yes, in assumptions, use of data, and conclusions.

11. My biggest concern about the reports is that they present a number of speculative, and sometimes incomplete, conclusions embedded in language that gives them more scientific heft than they deserve. The reports, in other words, are “scientific- sounding,” rather than clearly settled and based on indisputable facts. Established facts about the global environment exist less often in science than laymen usually think.

12. The two reports assume and/or argue that the climate warming forecast by the global climate models is happening and will continue to happen and grow worse. Currently these predictions are way off the reality (Figure 1). Models, like all scientific theory, have to be tested against real-world observations. Experts in model validation say that the climate models frequently cited in the IPCC report are little if any validated. This means that as theory they are fundamentally scientifically unproven.

Figure 1: Climate model forecasts compared to real world temperature observations (From John Christy, University of Alabama and Alabama State Climatologist. Reproduced with permission from him.)



13. The reports suffers from the use term “climate change” with two meanings: natural and human-induced. These are both given as definitions in the IPCC report and are not distinguished in the text and therefore confuse a reader. (The Climate Change Assessment uses the term throughout including its title, but never defines it.) There are places in the reports where only the second meaning—human induced—makes sense, so that meaning has to be assumed. There are other places where either meaning could be applied.

In those places where either meaning can be interpreted, if the statement is assumed to be a natural change, then it is a truism, a basic characteristic of Earth’s environment and something people have always know and experienced. If the meaning is taken to be human-caused, then in spite of the assertions in the report, the available data do not support the statements.

14. Some of the reports conclusions are the opposite of those given in articles cited in defense of those conclusions.

For example, the IPCC 2014 Terrestrial Ecosystem Report states that “there is medium confidence that rapid change in the Arctic is affecting its animals. For example, seven of 19 subpopulations of the polar bear are declining in number” citing in support of this an article by Vongraven and Richardson, 2011. That report states the contrary, that the “‘decline’ is an illusion.

In addition, I have sought the available counts of the 19 subpopulations. Of these, only three have been counted twice; the rest have been counted once. Thus no rate of changes in the populations can be determined. The first count was done 1986 for one subpopulation.1

The U. S. Marine Mammal Commission, charged with the conservation of this species, acknowledges “Accurate estimates of the current and historic sizes of polar bear stocks are difficult to obtain for several reasons–the species‘ inaccessible habitat, the movement of bears across international boundaries, and the costs of conducting surveys.”2

According to Dr. Susan Crockford, “out of the 13 populations for which some kind of data exist, five populations are now classified by the PBSG [iUCN/SSC Polar Bear Specialist Group] as ‘stable’ (two more than 2009), one is still increasing, and three have been upgraded from ‘declining’ to ‘data deficient’. . . . That leaves four that are still considered ‘declining’‐ two of those judgments are based primarily on concerns of overhunting, and one is based on a statistically insignificant decline that may not be valid and is being reassessed (and really should have been upgraded to ‘data deficient’). That leaves only one population – Western Hudson Bay – where PBSG biologists tenaciously blame global warming for all changes to polar bear biology, and even then, the data supporting that conclusion is still not available.3

Polar Bear Status (Source: Polar Bear Science Website.)



15. Some conclusions contradict and are ignorant of the best statistically valid observations. For example, the Terrestrial Ecosystems Report states that “terrestrial and freshwater ecosystems have sequestered about a quarter of the carbon dioxide emitted to the atmosphere by human activities in the past three decades (high confidence).” I have done the first statistically valid estimate of carbon storage and uptake for any large area of Earth’s land, the boreal forests and eastern deciduous forest of North America, and subtropical forests in Queensland, Australia. The estimates of carbon uptake by vegetation used by IPCC and in major articles cited by the reports are based on what can best be called “grab samples,” a relatively small number of studies done at a variety of times using a variety of methods, mainly in old- growth areas. The results reported by IPCC overestimate carbon storage and uptake by as much as 300 percent.4

16. The report for policy makers on Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability repeats

the assertion of previous IPCC reports that “large fraction of species” face “increase extinction risks” (p15). Overwhelming evidence contradicts this assertion. And it has been clearly shown that models used to make these forecasts, such as climate envelope models and species-area curve models, make incorrect assumptions that lead to erroneous conclusions, over-estimating extinction risks.

Surprisingly few species became extinct during the past 2.5 million years, a period encompassing several ice ages and warm periods.5 Among other sources, this is based on information in the book Climate Change and Biodiversity edited by Thomas Lovejoy, one of the leaders in the conservation of biodiversity.6 The major species

known to have gone extinct during this period are 40 species of large mammals in North America and Northern Europe. (There is a “background” extinction rate for eukaryotic species of roughly one species per year.)

17. THE REPORT GIVES THE IMPRESSION THAT LIVING THINGS ARE FRAGILE AND RIGID, unable to deal with change. The opposite is to case. Life is persistent, adaptable, adjustable.

18. STEADY-STATE ASSUMPTION: There is an overall assumption in the IPCC 2014 report and the Climate Change Assessment that all change is negative and undesirable; that it is ecologically and evolutionarily unnatural, bad for populations, species, ecosystems, for all life on planet Earth, including people. This is the opposite of the reality: The environment has always changed and is always changing, and living things have had to adapt to these changes. Interestingly, many, if not most, species that I have worked on or otherwise know about require environmental change.7

19. The summary for policy makers on Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability makes repeated use of the term “irreversible” changes. A species going extinct is irreversible, but little else about the environment is irreversible. The past confirms this. Glaciers have come and gone repeatedly. The Northwest Passage of North America has gone and come again. The average temperature has greatly exceeded the present and forecasted and has declined only to rise again.

a. Implicit in this repeated use of irreversible is the belief that Earth’s environment is constant — stable, unchanging — except when subjected to human actions.

This is obviously false from many lines of evidence, including the simple

experience of all people who have lived before the scientific-industrial age and those who live now and so such work as farm, manage rivers, wildlife and forests.

20. The extreme overemphasis on human-induced global warming has taken our attention away from many environmental issues that used to be front and center but have been pretty much ignored in the 21st century. The Terrestrial report in a sense acknowledges this, for example by stating: “Climate stresses occur alongside other anthropogenic influences on ecosystems, including land-use changes, nonnative species, and pollution, and in many cases will exacerbate these pressures (very high confidence).”



21. Do the problems with these reports mean that we can or should abandon any concerns about global warming or abandon any research about it? Certainly not, but we need to put this issue within an appropriate priority with other major here-and-now environmental issues that are having immediate effects.

22. The concerns I have mentioned with the IPCC apply as well to the White House’s National Climate Assessment. I reviewed and provided comments on the draft White House’s National Climate assessment and, unfortunately, it appears that these issues have not been addressed in the final assessment. For example, I stated:

“The executive summary is a political statement, not a scientific statement. It is filled with misstatements contradicted by well-established and well-known scientific papers.”

“Climate has always affected people and all life on Earth, so it isn’t new to say it is ‘already affecting the American people.’ This is just a political statement.”

“It is inappropriate to use short-term changes in weather as an indication one way or another about persistent climate change.”

WHAT HAS GONE WRONG, AND HOW TO FIX IT

1. Rather than focus on key, specific and tractable aspects of climate-change science, the long-term approach throughout the 20th century was to try to create de nova a complete model of the climate.

2. This approach has been taken despite a lack of focus on monitoring key variables over time in statistically and scientifically valid ways, e. g. carbon sequestering by forests; polar bear population counts. As a result, there is an odd disconnect between theory and observation. The attempt to create complete models of every aspect of climate has meant that many factors had to be guessed at, rather than using the best scientific methods. Too many guesses, too little checking against real, observed effects.

3. The IPCC reports are the result of a very large number of people doing long reviews of the scientific literature. This easily leads to people being so overburdened that they misinterpret specific papers, fail to understand where the major observational gaps are, and have trouble making an accurate list of citations and all sources of information. The fundamental IPCC and White House Climate Change Assessment approach has been to gather a huge number of scientists from a large number of disciplines, on the assumption that a kind of crowd approach to what can be agreed on is the same as true scientific advance. While this might seem a reasonable and effective approach, there is some danger in relying on this “crowd-sourced” model of information sharing. Groups of people, particularly when credentialed “experts” are involved, are very prone to a condition called an “information cascade” in which error is compounded by group think, assumptions become unchallenged “fact” and observations play second fiddle to unchallenged models. The excellent scientists involved with the IPCC reports are no less prone to this than the excellent scientists who relied on Aristotelian models of a geocentric universe. Entrenched beliefs are hard to extricate, even amongst supposedly rational thinkers. This is probably in part responsible for the problems listed with the White House Climate Assessment report’s table of Biological Effects, discussed in my document reviewing that report.

4. What a scientist discovers is different from what a scientist says. The first is science, the second is opinion. Have small groups of scientists work on this problem, no more than can easily argue with one another, that is less than 20 and preferably even smaller, representing the primary disciplines. Divide the problem into areas, rather than try to answer all questions in one analysis. I have used this approach in my own work and found it to be successful.8, 9

5. The desire to do good has ironically overridden the desire to do the best science.

6. Under the weight of this kind of crowd rule and approach, some specific alternative approaches to the science of climate change, have not been allowed to rise to the surface.

7. Among the approaches that would improve climate science:

a. Return to the former reliance on science done by individuals and small groups with a common specific interest and focus.

b. Change the approach from trying to make a complete, definitive model of

every aspect of climate to a different level. See kinds of models that explore specific possibilities and phenomena.

c. Get out of the blame game. None of the above suggestions can work as long as global warming remains a moral, political, ideologically dominated topic, with scientists pushed into, or at least viewed as, being either for or against a single point of view.

9. We need to focus again on major environmental Issues that need our attention now (see the list above).

10. ARE THERE EXAMPLES OF THE KIND OF RESEARCH I BELIEVE WE NEED MORE OF? YES.

a. NASA Carbon Monitoring System (CMS)

b. Hubbard Brook Ecosystem Study

c. Whooping Crane monitoring, e.g. of an endangered species

d. In-place monitoring on carbon flux, being done by the USGS in the Great Cypress Swamp, Florida.

e. Many others.
 
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20. The extreme overemphasis on human-induced global warming has taken our attention away from many environmental issues that used to be front and center but have been pretty much ignored in the 21st century.

The Terrestrial report in a sense acknowledges this, for example by stating: “Climate stresses occur alongside other anthropogenic influences on ecosystems, including land-use changes, nonnative species, and pollution, and in many cases will exacerbate these pressures (very high confidence).”
The entire article was fantastic, maybe the best summation I've ever read on the subject, and couldn't agree with this part more.

 
another defector

http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303380004579521791400395288

By Caleb S. Rossiter
Updated May 4, 2014 6:49 p.m. ET
Every year environmental groups celebrate a night when institutions in developed countries (including my own university) turn off their lights as a protest against fossil fuels. They say their goal is to get America and Europe to look from space like Africa: dark, because of minimal energy use.

But that is the opposite of what's desired by Africans I know. They want Africa at night to look like the developed world, with lights in every little village and with healthy people, living longer lives, sitting by those lights. Real years added to real lives should trump the minimal impact that African carbon emissions could have on a theoretical catastrophe.

I've spent my life on the foreign-policy left. I opposed the Vietnam War, U.S. intervention in Central America in the 1980s and our invasion of Iraq. I have headed a group trying to block U.S. arms and training for "friendly" dictators, and I have written books about how U.S. policy in the developing world is neocolonial.


But I oppose my allies' well-meaning campaign for "climate justice." More than 230 organizations, including Africa Action and Oxfam, want industrialized countries to pay "reparations" to African governments for droughts, rising sea levels and other alleged results of what Ugandan strongman Yoweri Museveni calls "climate aggression." And I oppose the campaign even more for trying to deny to Africans the reliable electricity—and thus the economic development and extended years of life—that fossil fuels can bring.

The left wants to stop industrialization—even if the hypothesis of catastrophic, man-made global warming is false. John Feffer, my colleague at the Institute for Policy Studies, wrote in the Dec. 8, 2009, Huffington Post that "even if the mercury weren't rising" we should bring "the developing world into the postindustrial age in a sustainable manner." He sees the "climate crisis [as] precisely the giant lever with which we can, following Archimedes, move the world in a greener, more equitable direction."

I started to suspect that the climate-change data were dubious a decade ago while teaching statistics. Computer models used by the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to determine the cause of the six-tenths of one degree Fahrenheit rise in global temperature from 1980 to 2000 could not statistically separate fossil-fueled and natural trends.

Then, as now, the computer models simply built in the assumption that fossil fuels are the culprit when temperatures rise, even though a similar warming took place from 1900 to 1940, before fossil fuels could have caused it. The IPCC also claims that the warming, whatever its cause, has slightly increased the length of droughts, the frequency of floods, the intensity of storms, and the rising of sea levels, projecting that these impacts will accelerate disastrously. Yet even the IPCC acknowledges that the average global temperature today remains unchanged since 2000, and did not rise one degree as the models predicted.

But it is as an Africanist, rather than a statistician, that I object most strongly to "climate justice." Where is the justice for Africans when universities divest from energy companies and thus weaken their ability to explore for resources in Africa? Where is the justice when the U.S. discourages World Bank funding for electricity-generation projects in Africa that involve fossil fuels, and when the European Union places a "global warming" tax on cargo flights importing perishable African goods? Even if the wildest claims about the current impact of fossil fuels on the environment and the models predicting the future impact all prove true and accurate, Africa should be exempted from global restraints as it seeks to modernize.

With 15% of the world's people, Africa produces less than 5% of carbon-dioxide emissions. With 4% of global population, America produces 25% of these emissions. In other words, each American accounts for 20 times the emissions of each African. We are not rationing our electricity. Why should Africa, which needs electricity for the sort of income-producing enterprises and infrastructure that help improve life expectancy? The average in Africa is 59 years—in America it's 79. Increased access to electricity was crucial in China's growth, which raised life expectancy to 75 today from 59 in 1968.

According to the World Bank, 24% of Africans have access to electricity and the typical business loses power for 56 days each year. Faced with unreliable power, businesses turn to diesel generators, which are three times as expensive as the electricity grid. Diesel also produces black soot, a respiratory health hazard. By comparison, bringing more-reliable electricity to more Africans would power the cleaning of water in villages, where much of the population still lives, and replace wood and dung fires as the source of heat and lighting in shacks and huts, removing major sources of disease and death. In the cities, reliable electricity would encourage businesses to invest and reinvest rather than send their profits abroad.

Mindful of the benefits, the Obama administration's Power Africa proposal and the World Bank are trying to double African access to electricity. But they have been hamstrung by the opposition of their political base to fossil fuels—even though off-grid and renewable power from the sun, tides and wind is still too unreliable, too hard to transmit, and way too expensive for Africa to build and maintain as its primary source of power.

In 2010 the left tried to block a World Bank loan for a new coal-fired plant in South Africa. Fortunately, the loan was approved (with the U.S. abstaining). The drive to provide electricity for the poor has been perhaps the greatest achievement of South Africa's post-apartheid governments.

Standing on the mountainside at night in Cape Town, overlooking the "Coloured" township of Mitchell's Plain and the African township of Khayelitsha, you can now see a twinkling blanket of bulbs. How terrible to think that so many people in the West would rather block such success stories in the name of unproved science.

Mr. Rossiter directs the American Exceptionalism Media Project. He is an adjunct professor at American University and an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.
 
A leftist gets it. It is purely agenda driven. There is no possible way any scientist can claim to know what part of climate change is driven by man or nature.

 
It is purely agenda driven.
Something is.
If you don't thing that global warming is agenda driven, you are in la-la land.
I'm on both side of the argument. Global warming is happening however to measure human impact is impossible to do. To deny any global warming due to humans is complete ignorance. A quick summary (6 minutes) from the recent Cosmos http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wlKTveJU4fY clears up the issue. America cannot do it by ourselves however it is a start. The whole planet needs to be on board but I don't see that happening.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cBdxDFpDp_k

 
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another defector

http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303380004579521791400395288

ByCaleb S. Rossiter
Updated May 4, 2014 6:49 p.m. ET
Every year environmental groups celebrate a night when institutions in developed countries (including my own university) turn off their lights as a protest against fossil fuels. They say their goal is to get America and Europe to look from space like Africa: dark, because of minimal energy use.

But that is the opposite of what's desired by Africans I know. They want Africa at night to look like the developed world, with lights in every little village and with healthy people, living longer lives, sitting by those lights. Real years added to real lives should trump the minimal impact that African carbon emissions could have on a theoretical catastrophe.

I've spent my life on the foreign-policy left. I opposed the Vietnam War, U.S. intervention in Central America in the 1980s and our invasion of Iraq. I have headed a group trying to block U.S. arms and training for "friendly" dictators, and I have written books about how U.S. policy in the developing world is neocolonial.


But I oppose my allies' well-meaning campaign for "climate justice." More than 230 organizations, including Africa Action and Oxfam, want industrialized countries to pay "reparations" to African governments for droughts, rising sea levels and other alleged results of what Ugandan strongman Yoweri Museveni calls "climate aggression." And I oppose the campaign even more for trying to deny to Africans the reliable electricity—and thus the economic development and extended years of life—that fossil fuels can bring.

The left wants to stop industrialization—even if the hypothesis of catastrophic, man-made global warming is false. John Feffer, my colleague at the Institute for Policy Studies, wrote in the Dec. 8, 2009, Huffington Post that "even if the mercury weren't rising" we should bring "the developing world into the postindustrial age in a sustainable manner." He sees the "climate crisis [as] precisely the giant lever with which we can, following Archimedes, move the world in a greener, more equitable direction."

I started to suspect that the climate-change data were dubious a decade ago while teaching statistics. Computer models used by the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to determine the cause of the six-tenths of one degree Fahrenheit rise in global temperature from 1980 to 2000 could not statistically separate fossil-fueled and natural trends.

Then, as now, the computer models simply built in the assumption that fossil fuels are the culprit when temperatures rise, even though a similar warming took place from 1900 to 1940, before fossil fuels could have caused it. The IPCC also claims that the warming, whatever its cause, has slightly increased the length of droughts, the frequency of floods, the intensity of storms, and the rising of sea levels, projecting that these impacts will accelerate disastrously. Yet even the IPCC acknowledges that the average global temperature today remains unchanged since 2000, and did not rise one degree as the models predicted.

But it is as an Africanist, rather than a statistician, that I object most strongly to "climate justice." Where is the justice for Africans when universities divest from energy companies and thus weaken their ability to explore for resources in Africa? Where is the justice when the U.S. discourages World Bank funding for electricity-generation projects in Africa that involve fossil fuels, and when the European Union places a "global warming" tax on cargo flights importing perishable African goods? Even if the wildest claims about the current impact of fossil fuels on the environment and the models predicting the future impact all prove true and accurate, Africa should be exempted from global restraints as it seeks to modernize.

With 15% of the world's people, Africa produces less than 5% of carbon-dioxide emissions. With 4% of global population, America produces 25% of these emissions. In other words, each American accounts for 20 times the emissions of each African. We are not rationing our electricity. Why should Africa, which needs electricity for the sort of income-producing enterprises and infrastructure that help improve life expectancy? The average in Africa is 59 years—in America it's 79. Increased access to electricity was crucial in China's growth, which raised life expectancy to 75 today from 59 in 1968.

According to the World Bank, 24% of Africans have access to electricity and the typical business loses power for 56 days each year. Faced with unreliable power, businesses turn to diesel generators, which are three times as expensive as the electricity grid. Diesel also produces black soot, a respiratory health hazard. By comparison, bringing more-reliable electricity to more Africans would power the cleaning of water in villages, where much of the population still lives, and replace wood and dung fires as the source of heat and lighting in shacks and huts, removing major sources of disease and death. In the cities, reliable electricity would encourage businesses to invest and reinvest rather than send their profits abroad.

Mindful of the benefits, the Obama administration's Power Africa proposal and the World Bank are trying to double African access to electricity. But they have been hamstrung by the opposition of their political base to fossil fuels—even though off-grid and renewable power from the sun, tides and wind is still too unreliable, too hard to transmit, and way too expensive for Africa to build and maintain as its primary source of power.

In 2010 the left tried to block a World Bank loan for a new coal-fired plant in South Africa. Fortunately, the loan was approved (with the U.S. abstaining). The drive to provide electricity for the poor has been perhaps the greatest achievement of South Africa's post-apartheid governments.

Standing on the mountainside at night in Cape Town, overlooking the "Coloured" township of Mitchell's Plain and the African township of Khayelitsha, you can now see a twinkling blanket of bulbs. How terrible to think that so many people in the West would rather block such success stories in the name of unproved science.

Mr. Rossiter directs the American Exceptionalism Media Project. He is an adjunct professor at American University and an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.
He was terminated for that wsj piece.

“If people ever say that fears of censorship for ‘climate change’ views are overblown, have them take a look at this: Just two days after I published a piece in the Wall Street Journal calling for Africa to be allowed the ‘all of the above’ energy strategy we have in the U.S., the Institute for Policy Studies terminated my 23-year relationship with them…"
 
another defector

http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303380004579521791400395288

ByCaleb S. Rossiter
Updated May 4, 2014 6:49 p.m. ET
Every year environmental groups celebrate a night when institutions in developed countries (including my own university) turn off their lights as a protest against fossil fuels. They say their goal is to get America and Europe to look from space like Africa: dark, because of minimal energy use.

But that is the opposite of what's desired by Africans I know. They want Africa at night to look like the developed world, with lights in every little village and with healthy people, living longer lives, sitting by those lights. Real years added to real lives should trump the minimal impact that African carbon emissions could have on a theoretical catastrophe.

I've spent my life on the foreign-policy left. I opposed the Vietnam War, U.S. intervention in Central America in the 1980s and our invasion of Iraq. I have headed a group trying to block U.S. arms and training for "friendly" dictators, and I have written books about how U.S. policy in the developing world is neocolonial.


But I oppose my allies' well-meaning campaign for "climate justice." More than 230 organizations, including Africa Action and Oxfam, want industrialized countries to pay "reparations" to African governments for droughts, rising sea levels and other alleged results of what Ugandan strongman Yoweri Museveni calls "climate aggression." And I oppose the campaign even more for trying to deny to Africans the reliable electricity—and thus the economic development and extended years of life—that fossil fuels can bring.

The left wants to stop industrialization—even if the hypothesis of catastrophic, man-made global warming is false. John Feffer, my colleague at the Institute for Policy Studies, wrote in the Dec. 8, 2009, Huffington Post that "even if the mercury weren't rising" we should bring "the developing world into the postindustrial age in a sustainable manner." He sees the "climate crisis [as] precisely the giant lever with which we can, following Archimedes, move the world in a greener, more equitable direction."

I started to suspect that the climate-change data were dubious a decade ago while teaching statistics. Computer models used by the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to determine the cause of the six-tenths of one degree Fahrenheit rise in global temperature from 1980 to 2000 could not statistically separate fossil-fueled and natural trends.

Then, as now, the computer models simply built in the assumption that fossil fuels are the culprit when temperatures rise, even though a similar warming took place from 1900 to 1940, before fossil fuels could have caused it. The IPCC also claims that the warming, whatever its cause, has slightly increased the length of droughts, the frequency of floods, the intensity of storms, and the rising of sea levels, projecting that these impacts will accelerate disastrously. Yet even the IPCC acknowledges that the average global temperature today remains unchanged since 2000, and did not rise one degree as the models predicted.

But it is as an Africanist, rather than a statistician, that I object most strongly to "climate justice." Where is the justice for Africans when universities divest from energy companies and thus weaken their ability to explore for resources in Africa? Where is the justice when the U.S. discourages World Bank funding for electricity-generation projects in Africa that involve fossil fuels, and when the European Union places a "global warming" tax on cargo flights importing perishable African goods? Even if the wildest claims about the current impact of fossil fuels on the environment and the models predicting the future impact all prove true and accurate, Africa should be exempted from global restraints as it seeks to modernize.

With 15% of the world's people, Africa produces less than 5% of carbon-dioxide emissions. With 4% of global population, America produces 25% of these emissions. In other words, each American accounts for 20 times the emissions of each African. We are not rationing our electricity. Why should Africa, which needs electricity for the sort of income-producing enterprises and infrastructure that help improve life expectancy? The average in Africa is 59 years—in America it's 79. Increased access to electricity was crucial in China's growth, which raised life expectancy to 75 today from 59 in 1968.

According to the World Bank, 24% of Africans have access to electricity and the typical business loses power for 56 days each year. Faced with unreliable power, businesses turn to diesel generators, which are three times as expensive as the electricity grid. Diesel also produces black soot, a respiratory health hazard. By comparison, bringing more-reliable electricity to more Africans would power the cleaning of water in villages, where much of the population still lives, and replace wood and dung fires as the source of heat and lighting in shacks and huts, removing major sources of disease and death. In the cities, reliable electricity would encourage businesses to invest and reinvest rather than send their profits abroad.

Mindful of the benefits, the Obama administration's Power Africa proposal and the World Bank are trying to double African access to electricity. But they have been hamstrung by the opposition of their political base to fossil fuels—even though off-grid and renewable power from the sun, tides and wind is still too unreliable, too hard to transmit, and way too expensive for Africa to build and maintain as its primary source of power.

In 2010 the left tried to block a World Bank loan for a new coal-fired plant in South Africa. Fortunately, the loan was approved (with the U.S. abstaining). The drive to provide electricity for the poor has been perhaps the greatest achievement of South Africa's post-apartheid governments.

Standing on the mountainside at night in Cape Town, overlooking the "Coloured" township of Mitchell's Plain and the African township of Khayelitsha, you can now see a twinkling blanket of bulbs. How terrible to think that so many people in the West would rather block such success stories in the name of unproved science.

Mr. Rossiter directs the American Exceptionalism Media Project. He is an adjunct professor at American University and an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.
He was terminated for that wsj piece.

“If people ever say that fears of censorship for ‘climate change’ views are overblown, have them take a look at this: Just two days after I published a piece in the Wall Street Journal calling for Africa to be allowed the ‘all of the above’ energy strategy we have in the U.S., the Institute for Policy Studies terminated my 23-year relationship with them…"
No agenda. no agenda at all.

 
http://psychcentral.com/encyclopedia/2008/paranoid-delusion/

Paranoid DelusionBy RENÉE GRINNELL
A paranoid delusion is the fixed, false belief that one is being harmed or persecuted by a particular person or group of people. Paranoid delusions are known technically as a “persecutory delusion.”

It involves the person’s belief that he or she is being conspired against, cheated, spied on, followed, poisoned or drugged, maliciously maligned, harassed, or obstructed in the pursuit of long-term goals.

Small slights may be exaggerated and become the focus of a delusional system with a person suffers from a paranoid delusion.

The focus of the delusion is often on some injustice that must be remedied by legal action. The affected person may engage in repeated attempts to obtain satisfaction by appeal to the courts and other government agencies.

Individuals with paranoid delusions are often resentful and angry, and may even resort to violence against those they believe are hurting them or a loved one.

Paranoid delusions are most often diagnosed in the context ofschizophrenia. But they can also occur in non-psychotic disorders, such as obsessive-compulsive disorder, or the use of certain medications or street drugs.

Example: A man refuses to affix his signature to anything, even something so trivial as a birthday card, because he fears the government is watching him and will use the evidence to track him down.
Happy to help! :thumbup:

 
This is the type of BS that the West is doing to Africa.

In 2013, the World Bank - along with two of its leading members, the US and the UK - stated it will no longer, except in ‘rare circumstances’, provide funding for coal-fired power stations. [Ref: Reuters].
In Tanzania, the one African country I know rather well, it's the Chinese who are helping fund billion dollar coal plants - including a 600 megawatt plant in Mchuchuma which will nearly double their thermal power plant production. Tanzania has vast coal resources but until now without the help of the Chinese they were unable to build coal plants themselves. Instead they were stuck with constant power outages that sometimes would last for days, necessitating the need for people to run expensive diesel generators to power their homes and businesses.

 
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Two examples in the last few weeks. Prominent people get out of lock step with the agenda, they get quick backslash. It is this kind of black-balling as to why quoting stats which studies opinions in published journals about the scientific support for global warming is grossly slanted, because any words against the agenda can not get published.

 
I don't know if these alterations are scientifically justified (I'm sure there is a lot that goes into the data reduction here), but given these changes why don't we see error bars on these temperature measurements? If they're being corrected that much there has to be an uncertainty budget associated with those values.

 
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This is the type of BS that the West is doing to Africa.

In 2013, the World Bank - along with two of its leading members, the US and the UK - stated it will no longer, except in ‘rare circumstances’, provide funding for coal-fired power stations. [Ref: Reuters].
In Tanzania, the one African country I know rather well, it's the Chinese who are helping fund billion dollar coal plants - including a 600 megawatt plant in Mchuchuma which will nearly double their thermal power plant production. Tanzania has vast coal resources but until now without the help of the Chinese they were unable to build coal plants themselves. Instead they were stuck with constant power outages that sometimes would last for days, necessitating the need for people to run expensive diesel generators to power their homes and businesses.
Which is why what I've been saying for a while should be a truism. We cannot and will not stop greenhouse gases from efforts internally. Developing countries will not and cannot afford expensive energy - they will pursue whatever they have access to.

The only thing that will change this is a dramatic change in energy production. All this money on climate change research is a ####### black hole of waste. Divert all that money to fundamental energy research in the US - that's the only thing that will stop this train.

 
Today, NOAA reported that May 2014 was the warmest May on record. NASA and the Japan Meteorological Agency both independently reached that conclusion last week.

The JMA found that March through May – known as meteorological spring – was the warmest spring on record. NOAA’s analysis determined it was the second warmest, trailing 2010 by a slim margin.

And we're just getting started. The average temperature of the ocean surface was 1.06F degrees above normal - matching the biggest difference from normal in any month dating back to 1880. We're gearing up for an El Nino year, where the increased Pacific Ocean temp will pump heat into the atmosphere.

Almost not worth mentioning is that it was the 39th consecutive May with a global temperature above the 20th century average and 351st straight month above average.

 
Today, NOAA reported that May 2014 was the warmest May on record. NASA and the Japan Meteorological Agency both independently reached that conclusion last week.

The JMA found that March through May – known as meteorological spring – was the warmest spring on record. NOAA’s analysis determined it was the second warmest, trailing 2010 by a slim margin.

And we're just getting started. The average temperature of the ocean surface was 1.06F degrees above normal - matching the biggest difference from normal in any month dating back to 1880. We're gearing up for an El Nino year, where the increased Pacific Ocean temp will pump heat into the atmosphere.

Almost not worth mentioning is that it was the 39th consecutive May with a global temperature above the 20th century average and 351st straight month above average.
STOP WITH THE LIES!

 
Today, NOAA reported that May 2014 was the warmest May on record. NASA and the Japan Meteorological Agency both independently reached that conclusion last week.

The JMA found that March through May – known as meteorological spring – was the warmest spring on record. NOAA’s analysis determined it was the second warmest, trailing 2010 by a slim margin.

And we're just getting started. The average temperature of the ocean surface was 1.06F degrees above normal - matching the biggest difference from normal in any month dating back to 1880. We're gearing up for an El Nino year, where the increased Pacific Ocean temp will pump heat into the atmosphere.

Almost not worth mentioning is that it was the 39th consecutive May with a global temperature above the 20th century average and 351st straight month above average.
Actually, it would be absolutely shocking if we had a month dip below the 20th century average. We will go hundreds of more months without dipping below the 20th century average, so it is really not worth mentioning at all.

 
The winter of 2013 - 2014 will go down in the history books in the Midwest U.S. as a top-ten coldest winter on record, but ranked as the warmest winter on record in California. Temperatures averaged over December 2013 - February 2014 in the contiguous U.S. made it our 34th coolest winter since records began in 1895, said NOAA's National Climatic Data Center (NCDC) in their latest State of the Climate report.

 
Today, NOAA reported that May 2014 was the warmest May on record. NASA and the Japan Meteorological Agency both independently reached that conclusion last week.

The JMA found that March through May – known as meteorological spring – was the warmest spring on record. NOAA’s analysis determined it was the second warmest, trailing 2010 by a slim margin.

And we're just getting started. The average temperature of the ocean surface was 1.06F degrees above normal - matching the biggest difference from normal in any month dating back to 1880. We're gearing up for an El Nino year, where the increased Pacific Ocean temp will pump heat into the atmosphere.

Almost not worth mentioning is that it was the 39th consecutive May with a global temperature above the 20th century average and 351st straight month above average.
Actually, it would be absolutely shocking if we had a month dip below the 20th century average. We will go hundreds of more months without dipping below the 20th century average, so it is really not worth mentioning at all.
Would that be the actual 20th century temperatures or the ones that NASA/NOAA artificially adjust downward to make the previous century look cooler than it actually was?

 
Today, NOAA reported that May 2014 was the warmest May on record. NASA and the Japan Meteorological Agency both independently reached that conclusion last week.

The JMA found that March through May – known as meteorological spring – was the warmest spring on record. NOAA’s analysis determined it was the second warmest, trailing 2010 by a slim margin.

And we're just getting started. The average temperature of the ocean surface was 1.06F degrees above normal - matching the biggest difference from normal in any month dating back to 1880. We're gearing up for an El Nino year, where the increased Pacific Ocean temp will pump heat into the atmosphere.

Almost not worth mentioning is that it was the 39th consecutive May with a global temperature above the 20th century average and 351st straight month above average.
Actually, it would be absolutely shocking if we had a month dip below the 20th century average. We will go hundreds of more months without dipping below the 20th century average, so it is really not worth mentioning at all.

Today, NOAA reported that May 2014 was the warmest May on record. NASA and the Japan Meteorological Agency both independently reached that conclusion last week.

The JMA found that March through May – known as meteorological spring – was the warmest spring on record. NOAA’s analysis determined it was the second warmest, trailing 2010 by a slim margin.

And we're just getting started. The average temperature of the ocean surface was 1.06F degrees above normal - matching the biggest difference from normal in any month dating back to 1880. We're gearing up for an El Nino year, where the increased Pacific Ocean temp will pump heat into the atmosphere.

Almost not worth mentioning is that it was the 39th consecutive May with a global temperature above the 20th century average and 351st straight month above average.
Actually, it would be absolutely shocking if we had a month dip below the 20th century average. We will go hundreds of more months without dipping below the 20th century average, so it is really not worth mentioning at all.
Would that be the actual 20th century temperatures or the ones that NASA/NOAA artificially adjust downward to make the previous century look cooler than it actually was?
Would be happy to look at any evidence at all showing the slightest hint this is the case.

I find the 351 consecutive months worth mentioning only because it sometimes lends clarity to people who haven't thought much about global warming and think maybe its existence is still a matter of debate. When they hear that figure it is often a little shocking and tends to change the lens through which they view the issue.

But - good news! The eastern half of the U.S. has been the coldest place in the world so far this year, when compared to normal average temperatures. We experienced one of the 10 coldest starts to a year on record - even as the globe was going through a record-warm spring. So if it doesn't happen here, if there's extra ice on the Great Lakes, then global warming isn't even real.

I will go on record now - 2014 will be the hottest year ever recorded.

 
The headlines would have you believe that jon_mx exists, based on "years on record". But cherry-picking like that doesn't tell you the whole story. Is there any record of jon_mx existing before 1960? How about 1940? 1900? 1776?

Based on the lack of records of jon_mx existing through most of human history, or the history of the earth, it's ridiculous to assume he exists.

 
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