The Third Way
In the age of late and
reflexive modernity and
post scarcity economy, the political science is being transformed. Giddens notes that there is a possibility that "life politics" (the politics of
self-actualisation) may become more visible than "emancipatory politics" (the politics of inequality); that new social movements may lead to more social change than political parties; and that the reflexive project of the self and changes in gender and sexual relations may lead the way, via the "democratisation of democracy", to a new era of
Habermasian "dialogic democracy" in which differences are settled, and practices ordered, through discourse rather than violence or the commands of authority.
[12]
Giddens, relying on his past familiar themes of reflexivity and system integration, which places people into new relations of trust and dependency with each other and their governments, argues that the political concepts of 'left' and 'right' are now breaking down, as a result of many factors, most centrally the absence of a clear alternative to capitalism and the eclipse of political opportunities based on the social class in favour of those based on lifestyle choices.
In his most recent works, Giddens moves away from explaining how things are to the more demanding attempt of advocacy about how they ought to be. In "Beyond Left and Right" (1994) Giddens criticises
market socialism and constructs a six-point framework for a reconstituted
radical politics:
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- repair damaged solidarities
- recognise the centrality of life politics
- accept that active trust implies generative politics
- embrace dialogic democracy
- rethink the welfare state
- confront violence
The Third Way (1998) provides the framework within which the 'third way' - which Giddens also terms the '
radical centre'
[18] - is justified. In addition,
The Third Way supplies a broad range of policy proposals aimed at what Giddens calls the 'progressive centre-left' in British politics. According to Giddens:
“
"the overall aim of third way politics should be to help citizens pilot their way through the major revolutions of our time: globalisation, transformations in personal life and our relationship to nature".
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”
Giddens remains fairly optimistic about the future of humanity:
“
"There is no single agent, group or movement that, as
Marx's
proletariat was supposed to do, can carry the hopes of humanity, but there are many points of political engagement which offer good cause for optimism".
[12] (
Beyond Left and Right)
”
Giddens discards the possibility of a single, comprehensive, all-connecting
ideology or political programme. Instead he advocates going after the 'small pictures', ones people can directly affect at their home, workplace or local community. This, to Giddens, is a difference between pointless
utopianism and useful
utopian realism,
[3] which he defines as envisaging "alternative futures whose very propagation might help them be realised".
[12] (
The Consequences of Modernity). By 'utopian' he means that this is something new and extraordinary, and by 'realistic' he stresses that this idea is rooted in the existing social processes and can be viewed as their simple extrapolation. Such a future has at its centre a more socialised,
demilitarised and planetary-caring global world order variously articulated within green, women's and peace movements, and within the wider democratic movement.
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