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Arizona passes nation's toughest immigration law (1 Viewer)

Anyhow, legal experts please explain: What comes next?

1. Does this now go to a circuit court? Or do we wait until the federal court's lawsuit goes to court? Where does that happen, and when would it happen? And what about the other lawsuits like the ACLU, do those wait until the federal lawsuit is settled or do they happen at the same time?

2. If the federals lose their lawsuit, is this judge then overturned and the law immediately takes effect?

3. If the federals win their lawsuit, does the case then immediately go to the Supreme Court? If so, how long does that take?

Appreciate if anyone knows some or all of the answers. TIA

 
timschochet said:
"Requiring Arizona law enforcement officials and agencies to determine the immigration status of every person who is arrested burdens lawfully-present aliens because their liberty will be restricted while their status is checked," U.S. District Judge Susan Bolton ruled.
Makes absolutely no sense. If they've been arrested, they've already lost their liberty.Weak stuff here.
lol...not all people arrested are guilty
Yes, but if they're arrested, then their liberty is already restricted, at least until they appear in court, right? Therefore it makes no sense that a check on immigration status would restrict liberty if it is already restricted. Much as I hate to admit it (because we are on opposite sides of the overall issue) Christo makes a lot of sense here, and the judge does not.
I have my moments.
 
Anyhow, legal experts please explain: What comes next?1. Does this now go to a circuit court? Or do we wait until the federal court's lawsuit goes to court? Where does that happen, and when would it happen? And what about the other lawsuits like the ACLU, do those wait until the federal lawsuit is settled or do they happen at the same time?2. If the federals lose their lawsuit, is this judge then overturned and the law immediately takes effect?3. If the federals win their lawsuit, does the case then immediately go to the Supreme Court? If so, how long does that take?Appreciate if anyone knows some or all of the answers. TIA
Get a copy of the order and a lot of these questions will be answered.
 
OK, here is the ruling. It's pretty long:

I. SUMMARY

Against a backdrop of rampant illegal immigration, escalating drug and human

trafficking crimes, and serious public safety concerns, the Arizona Legislature enacted a set

of statutes and statutory amendments in the form of Senate Bill 1070, the “Support Our Law

Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act,” 2010 Arizona Session Laws, Chapter 113, which

Governor Janice K. Brewer signed into law on April 23, 2010. Seven days later, the

Governor signed into law a set of amendments to Senate Bill 1070 under House Bill 2162,

2010 Arizona Session Laws, Chapter 211.1 Among other things, S.B. 1070 requires officers

to check a person’s immigration status under certain circumstances (Section 2) and

authorizes officers to make a warrantless arrest of a person where there is probable cause to

believe that the person committed a public offense that makes the person removable from the

United States (Section 6). S.B. 1070 also creates or amends crimes for the failure of an alien

to apply for or carry registration papers (Section 3), the smuggling of human beings (Section

4), the performance of work by unauthorized aliens, and the transport or harboring of

unlawfully present aliens (Section 5).

On July 6, 2010, the United States filed a Complaint with this Court challenging the

constitutionality of S.B. 1070, and it also filed a Motion requesting that the Court issue a

preliminary injunction to enjoin Arizona from enforcing S.B. 1070 until the Court can make

a final determination as to its constitutionality. The United States argues principally that the

power to regulate immigration is vested exclusively in the federal government, and that the

provisions of S.B. 1070 are therefore preempted by federal law.

The Court notes that S.B. 1070 is not a freestanding statute; rather, it is an enactment

of the Arizona Legislature that adds some new sections to the Arizona Revised Statutes

(“A.R.S.”) and amends some preexisting sections. S.B. 1070 also contains a severability

clause, providing that,

f a provision of this act or its application to any person or circumstance is

held invalid, the invalidity does not affect other provisions or applications of

the act that can be given effect without the invalid provision or application,

and to this end the provisions of this act are severable.

S.B. 1070 § 12(A). Therefore, the Court cannot and will not enjoin S.B. 1070 in its entirety,

as certain parties to lawsuits challenging the enactment have requested. The Court is

obligated to consider S.B. 1070 on a section by section and provision by provision basis.

Other than seeking a preliminary injunction as to “S.B. 1070,” the United States has

not made any argument to preliminarily enjoin and the Court therefore does not enjoin the

following provisions of S.B. 1070:

Section 1 of S.B. 1070

no A.R.S. citation: providing the intent of the legislation

2 Although the United States’ Complaint challenges Section 4 of S.B. 1070, counsel for the

United States stated at oral argument that the federal government is not seeking to enjoin

A.R.S. § 13-2319 at this time. (Hr’g Tr. 5:10-20, July 22, 2010 (“Hr’g Tr.”).)

- 3 -

Portions of Section 2 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 11-1051(A): prohibiting Arizona officials, agencies, and political

subdivisions from limiting enforcement of federal

immigration laws

A.R.S. § 11-1051©-(F): requiring that state officials work with federal officials

with regard to unlawfully present aliens

A.R.S. § 11-1051(G)-(L): allowing legal residents to sue any state official, agency,

or political subdivision for adopting a policy of

restricting enforcement of federal immigration laws to

less than the full extent permitted by federal law

Section 4 of S.B. 10702

A.R.S. § 13-2319: amending the crime of human smuggling

Portion of Section 5 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 13-2928(A)-(B): creating a crime for stopping a motor vehicle to pick up

day laborers and for day laborers to get in a motor

vehicle if it impedes the normal movement of traffic

Section 7 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 23-212: amending the crime of knowing employment of

unauthorized aliens

Section 8 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 23-212.01: amending the crime of intentional employment of

unauthorized aliens

Section 9 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 23-214: amending the requirements for checking employment

eligibility

Section 11 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 41-1724: creating the gang and immigration intelligence team

enforcement mission fund

Sections 12 & 13 of S.B. 1070

no A.R.S. citation: administering S.B. 1070

Applying the proper legal standards based upon well-established precedent, the Court

finds that the United States is not likely to succeed on the merits in showing that the following

provisions of S.B. 1070 are preempted by federal law, and the Court therefore does not enjoin

the enforcement of the following provisions of S.B. 1070:

Portion of Section 5 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 13-2929: creating a separate crime for a person in violation of a

criminal offense to transport or harbor an unlawfully

present alien or encourage or induce an unlawfully present

alien to come to or live in Arizona

Section 10 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 28-3511: amending the provisions for the removal or impoundment

of a vehicle to permit impoundment of vehicles used in

the transporting or harboring of unlawfully present aliens

Applying the proper legal standards based upon well-established precedent, the Court

finds that the United States is likely to succeed on the merits in showing that the following

Sections of S.B. 1070 are preempted by federal law:

Portion of Section 2 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 11-1051(B): requiring that an officer make a reasonable attempt to

determine the immigration status of a person stopped,

detained or arrested if there is a reasonable suspicion that

the person is unlawfully present in the United States, and

requiring verification of the immigration status of any

person arrested prior to releasing that person

Section 3 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 13-1509: creating a crime for the failure to apply for or carry alien

registration papers

Portion of Section 5 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 13-2928©: creating a crime for an unauthorized alien to solicit, apply

for, or perform work

Section 6 of S.B. 1070

A.R.S. § 13-3883(A)(5): authorizing the warrantless arrest of a person where there

is probable cause to believe the person has committed a

public offense that makes the person removable from the

United States

The Court also finds that the United States is likely to suffer irreparable harm if the Court

does not preliminarily enjoin enforcement of these Sections of S.B. 1070 and that the balance

of equities tips in the United States’ favor considering the public interest. The Court therefore

issues a preliminary injunction enjoining the enforcement of the portion of Section 2 creating

A.R.S. § 11-1051(B), Section 3 creating A.R.S. § 13-1509, the portion of Section 5 creating

A.R.S. § 13-2928©, and Section 6 creating A.R.S. § 13-3883(A)(5).

3 Unlawful presence is an element of the federal crime of reentry after deportation, 8 U.S.C.

§ 1326, and unlawful entry into the United States is also a federal crime, 8 U.S.C. § 1325.

- 5 -

II. BACKGROUND

A. Overview of Federal Immigration Law

Congress has created and refined a complex and detailed statutory framework

regulating immigration. The federal immigration scheme is largely enacted through the

Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”), 8 U.S.C. § 1101, et seq., which empowers various

federal agencies (including the Department of Justice (“DOJ”), Department of Homeland

Security (“DHS”), and Department of State (“DOS”)) to administer and enforce the

immigration laws. See, e.g., id. §§ 1103-1104. Among its many provisions, the INA sets forth

the conditions under which a foreign national may be admitted to and remain in the United

States. Id. §§ 1181-1182, 1184. The INA also contains an alien registration system intended

to monitor the entry and movement of aliens in the United States. Id. §§ 1201(b), 1301-1306.

Various actions may subject an alien to being placed in removal proceedings, such as entering

the United States without inspection, presenting fraudulent documents at a port of entry,

violating the conditions of admission, or engaging in certain other proscribed conduct. Id. §§

1225, 1227, 1228, 1229, 1229c, 1231. Violations of immigration laws may also subject an

alien to civil and criminal sanctions. E.g., id. §§ 1325, 1306, 1324c. Unlawful presence in the

United States is not a federal crime, although it may make the alien removable. See id. §§

1182(a)(6)(A)(i), 1227(a)(1)(B)-©.3

Federal alien smuggling laws make it a crime to knowingly bring an unauthorized alien

into the country, as well as to harbor such a person or to facilitate unlawful immigration. Id.

§ 1324. Congress also created sanctions to be implemented against employers who knowingly

employ aliens who are not authorized to work when it passed the Immigration Reform and

Control Act (“IRCA”) in 1986. Id. § 1324a(a)(1)-(2). Federal law contains no criminal

sanction for working without authorization, although document fraud is a civil violation under

IRCA. Id. § 1324c. In 1996, Congress passed the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant

Responsibility Act (“IIRIRA”), which, among other things, created various employment

eligibility verification programs. See Chicanos Por La Causa, Inc. v. Napolitano (Chicanos

Por La Causa II), 558 F.3d 856, 861 (9th Cir. 2009).

Federal immigration law also envisions certain areas of cooperation in immigration

enforcement among the federal government and state and local governments. See 8 U.S.C. §

1357(g)(1)-(9) (permitting DHS to enter into agreements whereby appropriately trained and

supervised state and local officials can perform certain immigration responsibilities); id. §

1373 (establishing parameters for information-sharing between state and local officials and

federal immigration officials); id. § 1252c (authorizing state and local law enforcement

officials to arrest aliens unlawfully present in the United States who have previously been

convicted of a felony and deported). DHS has also established the Law Enforcement Support

Center (“LESC”), which is administered by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (“ICE”)

and serves as a national enforcement information center, answering queries from state and

local officials regarding immigration status. (Pl.’s Mot., Ex. 3, Decl. of David Palmatier, Unit

Chief for LESC (“Palmatier Decl.”) ¶¶ 3-6.)

B. Overview of S.B. 1070

1. Section 1

Section 1 of S.B. 1070 states that “the intent of [s.B. 1070] is to make attrition through

enforcement the public policy of all state and local government agencies in Arizona” and that

“[t]he provisions of this act are intended to work together to discourage and deter the unlawful

entry and presence of aliens and economic activity by persons unlawfully present in the

United States.” Section 1 also states that “there is a compelling interest in the cooperative

enforcement of federal immigration laws throughout all of Arizona.”

2. Section 2

Section 2 of S.B. 1070 adds A.R.S. § 11-1051. Section 2 contains twelve separate

subsections. Subsection 2(A) prohibits Arizona officials, agencies and political subdivisions

from limiting or restricting the enforcement of federal immigration laws. A.R.S. § 11-

1051(A). Subsection 2(B) requires officers to make a reasonable attempt, when practicable,

to determine an individual’s immigration status during any lawful stop, detention, or arrest

where reasonable suspicion exists that the person is unlawfully present in the United States.

Id. § 11-1051(B). Subsection 2(B) also requires that all persons who are arrested have their

immigration status verified prior to release. Id. Subsections 2(B) and 2(E) provide the process

for verifying immigration status and list documents that create a presumption of lawful

presence. Id. § 11-1051(B), (E). Mandatory stops for the purpose of immigration status

verification are not required or authorized by Subsection 2(B). Subsection 2© requires

notification of ICE or Customs and Border Protection whenever an unlawfully present alien

is discharged or assessed a monetary obligation. Id. § 11-1051©. Subsections 2(D) and (F)

permit law enforcement to securely transport unlawfully present aliens and send, receive, and

exchange information related to immigration status. Id. § 11-1051(D), (F).

In addition, Subsection 2(H) permits legal residents of Arizona to bring actions in state

court “to challenge any official or agency of [Arizona] that adopts or implements a policy or

practice that limits or restricts the enforcement of federal immigration laws to less than the

full extent permitted by federal law.” Id. § 11-1051(H). Subsections 2(I) and (J) address the

civil penalties arising from such civil suits, and Subsection 2(K) provides that law

enforcement officers are indemnified against reasonable costs and expenses incurred by the

officer in connection with any suit initiated under this Section unless the officer is found to

have acted in bad faith. Id. § 11-1051(I)-(K).

3. Section 3

Section 3 of S.B. 1070 adds A.R.S. § 13-1509, which provides that “a person is guilty

of willful failure to complete or carry an alien registration document if the person is in

violation of [8 U.S.C. §§] 1304(e) or 1306(a),” federal statutes that require aliens to carry

documentation of registration and penalize the willful failure to register. A.R.S. § 13-1509(A).

Violation of Section 3 is a class 1 misdemeanor and results in a maximum fine of $100 and

a maximum of 20 days in jail for a first violation and up to 30 days in jail for any subsequent

violation. Id. § 13-1509(H). Section 3 limits a violator’s eligibility for a suspended sentence,

probation, pardon, and commutation of a sentence and requires violators to pay jail costs. Id.

§ 13-1509(D), (E). In the enforcement of Section 3, immigration status may be determined

by a law enforcement officer authorized by the federal government or pursuant to 8 U.S.C.

§ 1373©. Id. § 13-1509(B). Pursuant to Subsection 3©, law enforcement officers are not

permitted to consider race, color, or national origin in the enforcement of Section 3. Id. § 13-

1509©. Finally, Section 3 does not apply to “a person who maintains authorization from the

federal government to remain in the United States.” Id. § 13-1509(F).

4. Section 4

In Section 4 of S.B. 1070, the Arizona Legislature revised A.R.S. § 13-2319 by adding

a provision that permits officers enforcing Arizona’s human smuggling statute to stop any

person who is operating a motor vehicle if the officer has reasonable suspicion to believe that

the person is in violation of any civil traffic law. Id. § 13-2319(E). Section 4 does not make

any other changes or additions to Arizona’s human smuggling statute, A.R.S. § 13-2319.

5. Section 5

Section 5 of S.B. 1070 adds two provisions to the Arizona Criminal Code, A.R.S. §§

13-2928 and 13-2929. A.R.S. § 13-2928(A) provides that it is unlawful for an occupant of a

motor vehicle that is stopped on a street, roadway, or highway and is impeding traffic to

attempt to hire a person for work at another location. Id. § 13-2928(A). Similarly, A.R.S. §

13-2928(B) provides that it is unlawful for a person to enter a motor vehicle in order to be

hired if the vehicle is stopped on a street, roadway, or highway and is impeding traffic. Id. §

13-2928(B). Finally, A.R.S. § 13-2928© provides that it is unlawful “for a person who is

unlawfully present in the United States and who is an unauthorized alien to knowingly apply

for work, solicit work in a public place or perform work as an employee or independent

contractor in this state.” Id. § 13-2928©. Violation of A.R.S. § 13-2928 is a class 1

misdemeanor. Id. § 13-2928(F).

Section 5 of S.B. 1070 also creates A.R.S. § 13-2929, which provides that it is

unlawful for a person who is in violation of a criminal offense to: (1) transport or move or

attempt to transport or move an alien in Arizona in furtherance of the alien’s unlawful

presence in the United States; (2) conceal, harbor, or shield or attempt to conceal, harbor, or

shield an alien from detection in Arizona; and (3) encourage or induce an alien to come to or

live in Arizona. Id. § 13-2929(A)(1)-(3). In order to violate A.R.S. § 13-2929(A), a person

must also know or recklessly disregard the fact that the alien is unlawfully present in the

United States. Id. Violation of A.R.S. § 13-2929 is a class 1 misdemeanor. Id. § 13-2929(F).

6. Section 6

Section 6 of S.B. 1070 amends A.R.S. § 13-3883 to permit an officer to arrest a person

without a warrant if the officer has probable cause to believe that “the person to be arrested

has committed any public offense that makes the person removable from the United States.”

Id. § 13-3883(A)(5).

7. Sections 7-13

Sections 7, 8, and 9 amend Arizona’s law imposing sanctions on employers who hire

unlawfully present aliens. See A.R.S. §§ 23-212, 23-212.01, 23-214. Section 10 amends

A.R.S. § 28-3511 to allow for the immobilization or impoundment of vehicles used in the

transporting and concealing of unlawfully present aliens where the driver of the vehicle knew

or recklessly disregarded the fact that the alien was unlawfully present. Section 11 creates the

“gang and immigration intelligence team enforcement mission fund” for civil penalties paid

pursuant to Subsection 2(I). Finally, Section 12 provides for the severance of any

unconstitutional provisions, and Section 13 provides a short title for the enactment.

C. Procedural Posture

The United States filed its Complaint challenging the constitutionality of S.B. 1070 on

July 6, 2010, naming as Defendants the State of Arizona and Governor Brewer in her official

capacity (collectively, “Arizona”). On the same day, it also filed a Motion requesting that the

Court preliminarily enjoin Arizona from enforcing S.B. 1070 until the Court can make a final

determination as to its constitutionality. (Doc. 6, Pl.’s Lodged Proposed Mot. for Prelim. Inj.)

The United States argues principally that the power to regulate immigration is vested

exclusively with the federal government, and the provisions of S.B. 1070 are therefore

preempted by federal law. The Court held a Hearing on Plaintiff’s Motion on July 22, 2010

4 A variety of enumerated powers implicate the federal government’s long-recognized

immigration power, including the Commerce Clause, the Naturalization Clause, and the

Migration and Importation Clause. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 3-4; art. I, § 9, cl. 1; see also

Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U.S. 698, 706 (1893); Chae Chan Ping v. United States,

130 U.S. 581, 603-04 (1889).

- 10 -

(“the Hearing”). S.B. 1070 has an effective date of July 29, 2010. The Court now considers

the United States’ Motion for Preliminary Injunction.

III. LEGAL STANDARDS AND ANALYSIS

A. General Legal Standards

“A plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must establish that he is likely to succeed

on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief,

that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.”

Winter v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 129 S. Ct. 365, 374 (2008) (citations omitted).

The United States primarily asserts that the statutory provisions contained in S.B. 1070

are preempted by federal law. The Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution makes

federal law “the supreme law of the land.” U.S. Const. art. VI, cl. 2. The Supreme Court has

consistently ruled that the federal government has broad and exclusive authority to regulate

immigration, supported by both enumerated and implied constitutional powers.4 While

holding that the “[p]ower to regulate immigration is unquestionably exclusively a federal

power,” the Supreme Court concluded that not every state enactment “which in any way deals

with aliens is a regulation of immigration and thus per se preempted by this constitutional

power, whether latent or exercised.” De Canas v. Bica, 424 U.S. 351, 354-355 (1976).

Federal preemption can be either express or implied. Chicanos Por La Causa v.

Napolitano (Chicanos Por La Causa I), 544 F.3d 976, 982 (9th Cir. 2008), cert. granted, 78

U.S.L.W. 3065, 78 U.S.L.W. 3754, 78 U.S.L.W. 3762 (U.S. June 28, 2010) (No. 09-115).

There are two types of implied preemption: field preemption and conflict preemption. Id.

Field preemption occurs “where ‘the depth and breadth of a congressional scheme . . .

occupies the legislative field.’” Id. (quoting Lorillard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly, 533 U.S. 525,

541 (2001)). Conflict preemption describes a situation in which “compliance with both federal

and state regulations is a physical impossibility or where state law stands as an obstacle to the

accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress.” Id. (internal

quotations and citations omitted). An actual, as opposed to hypothetical or potential, conflict

must exist for conflict preemption to apply. Id.

B. Likelihood of Success on the Merits

The United States must first demonstrate a likelihood of success on the merits. Winter,

129 S. Ct. at 374. The United States challenges S.B. 1070 on its face, before it takes effect on

July 29, 2010. (Pl.’s Mot. at 7.) “A facial challenge to a legislative Act is, of course, the most

difficult challenge to mount successfully, since the challenger must establish that no set of

circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid.” United States v. Salerno, 481 U.S.

739, 745 (1987). The Supreme Court later observed, in considering a facial challenge,

ome Members of the Court have criticized the Salerno formulation, [but] all agree that

a facial challenge must fail where a statute has a ‘plainly legitimate sweep.’” Wash. State

Grange v. Wash. State Republican Party, 552 U.S. 442, 449 (2008) (quoting Washington v.

Glucksberg, 521 U.S. 702, 739-40 & n.7 (1997) (Stevens, J., concurring in judgments)). In

deciding a facial challenge, courts “must be careful not to go beyond the statute’s facial

requirements and speculate about ‘hypothetical’ or ‘imaginary’ cases.” Id. at 449-50 (quoting

United States v. Raines, 362 U.S. 17, 22 (1960)).

1. Preemption of Overall Statutory Scheme

As discussed above, S.B. 1070 contains several provisions adding to and amending

Arizona law. While the United States has requested that the Court enjoin S.B. 1070 in its

entirety, it specifically challenges only select provisions of S.B. 1070. (See Pl.’s Mot. at 12

n.8 (noting that “the instant motion does not seek to enjoin” Sections 7-9 of S.B. 1070 and that

Sections 11-13 “are administrative provisions which are not the subject of this dispute”).) The

United States also argues that the overall statutory scheme of S.B. 1070 is preempted because

it attempts to set immigration policy at the state level and interferes and conflicts with federal

immigration law, foreign relations, and foreign policy. (Id. at 12-25.) Section 1 of S.B. 1070

declares a unified, state-wide public policy, providing:

The legislature declares that the intent of this act is to make attrition through

enforcement the public policy of all state and local government agencies in

Arizona. The provisions of this act are intended to work together to discourage

and deter the unlawful entry and presence of aliens and economic activity by

persons unlawfully present in the United States.

S.B. 1070 § 1. The United States urges the Court to enjoin S.B. 1070 as an integrated statutory

enactment with interlocking provisions. (Pl.’s Mot. at 12-25.) The United States asserts that

Section 1 animates and “infuses” the operative sections of the law. (Hr’g Tr. 13:4-14:5.)

“[W]hen the constitutionality of a state statute is challenged, principles of state law

guide the severability analysis and [courts] should strike down only those provisions which

are inseparable from the invalid provisions.” Costco Wholesale Corp. v. Maleng, 522 F.3d

874, 886 (9th Cir. 2008) (citing Tucson Woman’s Clinic v. Eden, 379 F.3d 531, 556-57 (9th

Cir. 2004)). “A court should not declare an entire statute unconstitutional if the constitutional

portions can be severed from those which are unconstitutional.” State v. Ramsey, 831 P.2d

408, 413 (Ariz. Ct. App. 1992) (citing State v. Prentiss, 786 P.2d 932, 937 (Ariz. 1989)).

Under Arizona law,

it is well settled . . . that where the valid parts of a statute are effective and

enforceable standing alone and independent of those portions declared

unconstitutional, the court will not disturb the valid law if the valid and invalid

portions are not so intimately connected as to raise the presumption the

legislature would not have enacted one without the other, and the invalid

portion was not the inducement of the act.

Selective Life Ins. Co. v. Equitable Life Assurance Soc’y of the U.S., 422 P.2d 710, 715 (Ariz.

1967) (citing McCune v. City of Phx., 317 P.2d 537, 542 (Ariz. 1957)). In determining

whether potentially unconstitutional provisions of S.B. 1070 may be severed from the

remainder of the enactment, the primary concern is legislative intent. See id. at 715-16 (citing

City of Mesa v. Killingsworth, 394 P.2d 410, 413 (Ariz. 1964)). Where a statute contains a

severability provision, Arizona courts generally attempt to give effect to the severability

clause. Id. at 715.

Section 12(A) of S.B. 1070 provides for the severability of S.B. 1070’s provisions,

stating that if any provision of the Act “is held invalid, the invalidity does not affect other

provisions . . . that can be given effect without the invalid provision.” Arizona’s Legislature

intended the provisions of S.B. 1070 to be severable in order to preserve the constitutional

provisions of the Act. As a result, where the provisions of S.B. 1070 are “effective and

enforceable standing alone and independent” of any unconstitutional provisions and the valid

portions are not so “intimately connected” to any invalid provision as to raise the presumption

that the Arizona Legislature would not have enacted the valid provisions without the invalid

provisions, S.B. 1070’s provisions are severable. See Selective Life Ins., 422 P.2d at 715.

While Section 1 of S.B. 1070 provides a statement of the Act’s intent and purpose, it

does not create a single and unified statutory scheme incapable of careful provision by

provision analysis. The Court cannot enjoin a purpose; the Arizona Legislature is free to

express its viewpoint and intention as it wishes, and Section 1 has no operative function.

However, this is not to say that Section 1 is irrelevant. The expression of the Legislature’s

intent provides context and backdrop for the functional enactments of S.B. 1070, and the

Court considers it in this capacity as it analyzes the other provisions of the law.

S.B. 1070 will not be enjoined in its entirety. The Court will not ignore the obligation

to preserve the constitutional provisions of a state legislative enactment or S.B. 1070’s

severability clause. The Court thus evaluates the constitutionality of the individual provisions

of S.B. 1070 challenged by the United States.

2. Section 2(B): A.R.S. § 11-1051(B)

Section 2(B) of S.B. 1070 provides as follows:

For any lawful stop, detention or arrest made by [an Arizona] law enforcement

official or . . . law enforcement agency . . . in the enforcement of any other law

or ordinance of a county, city or town of this state where reasonable suspicion

exists that the person is an alien and is unlawfully present in the United States,

a reasonable attempt shall be made, when practicable, to determine the

immigration status of the person, except if the determination may hinder or

obstruct an investigation. Any person who is arrested shall have the person’s

immigration status determined before the person is released.

5 Arizona acknowledges that this sentence of Section 2(B) “might well have been more

artfully worded.” (Id.)

- 14 -

A.R.S. § 11-1051(B). Section 2(B) also states that if an officer is presented with one of the

following forms of identification, the officer is to presume that the person is not an

unauthorized alien: (1) a valid Arizona driver license or identification license; (2) a valid

tribal enrollment card or other form of tribal identification; or (3) a valid United States federal,

state, or local form of identification, provided that the issuing entity requires proof of

citizenship before issuance. Id. The United States argues that this section is preempted

because it will result in the harassment of lawfully present aliens and will burden federal

resources and impede federal enforcement and policy priorities. (Pl.’s Mot. at 25-32.)

a. Mandatory Immigration Status Determination Upon Arrest

The Court first addresses the second sentence of Section 2(B): “Any person who is

arrested shall have the person’s immigration status determined before the person is released.”

Arizona advances that the proper interpretation of this sentence is “that only where a

reasonable suspicion exists that a person arrested is an alien and is unlawfully present in the

United States must the person’s immigration status be determined before the person is

released.” (Defs.’ Resp. to Pl.’s Mot. (“Defs.’ Resp.”) at 10.)5 Arizona goes on to state, “[T]he

Arizona Legislature could not have intended to compel Arizona’s law enforcement officers

to determine and verify the immigration status of every single person arrested – even for

United States citizens and when there is absolutely no reason to believe the person is

unlawfully present in the country.” (Id.)

The Court cannot interpret this provision as Arizona suggests. Before the passage of

H.B. 2162, the first sentence of Section 2(B) of the original S.B. 1070 began, “For any lawful

contact” rather than “For any lawful stop, detention or arrest.” (Compare original S.B. 1070

§ 2(B) with H.B. 2162 § 3(B).) The second sentence was identical in the original version and

as modified by H.B. 2162. It is not a logical interpretation of the Arizona Legislature’s intent

to state that it originally intended the first two sentences of Section 2(B) to be read as

dependent on one another. As initially written, the first sentence of Section 2(B) did not

contain the word “arrest,” such that the second sentence could be read as modifying or

explicating the first sentence. In S.B. 1070 as originally enacted, the first two sentences of

Section 2(B) are clearly independent of one another. Therefore, it does not follow logically

that by changing “any lawful contact” to “any lawful stop, detention or arrest” in the first

sentence, the Arizona Legislature intended to alter the meaning of the second sentence in any

way. If that had been the Legislature’s intent, it could easily have modified the second

sentence accordingly.

As a result of this conclusion, the Court reads the second sentence of Section 2(B)

independently from the first sentence. The Court also concludes that the list of forms of

identification that could provide a presumption that a person is not an unlawfully present alien

applies only to the first sentence of Section 2(B) because the second sentence makes no

mention of unlawful presence: the second sentence states plainly that “[a]ny person who is

arrested” must have his or her immigration status determined before release. A presumption

against unlawful presence would not dispose of the requirement that immigration status be

checked because a legal permanent resident might have a valid Arizona driver’s license, but

an inquiry would still need to be made to satisfy the requirement that the person’s

“immigration status” be determined prior to release.

The United States asserts that mandatory determination of immigration status for all

arrestees “conflicts with federal law because it necessarily imposes substantial burdens on

lawful immigrants in a way that frustrates the concern of Congress for nationally-uniform

rules governing the treatment of aliens throughout the country – rules designed to ensure ‘our

traditional policy of not treating aliens as a thing apart.’” (Pl.’s Mot. at 26 (quoting Hines v.

Davidowitz, 312 U.S. 52, 73 (1941)).) Finding a state law related to alien registration to be

preempted, the Supreme Court in Hines observed that Congress “manifested a purpose to

[regulate immigration] in such a way as to protect the personal liberties of law-abiding aliens

through one uniform national . . . system[] and to leave them free from the possibility of

inquisitorial practices and police surveillance.” 312 U.S. at 74.

6 The Court is also cognizant of the potentially serious Fourth Amendment problems with the

inevitable increase in length of detention while immigration status is determined, as raised

by the plaintiffs in Friendly House, et al. v. Whiting, et al., No. CV 10-1061-PHX-SRB.

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Requiring Arizona law enforcement officials and agencies to determine the

immigration status of every person who is arrested burdens lawfully-present aliens because

their liberty will be restricted while their status is checked. Given the large number of people

who are technically “arrested” but never booked into jail or perhaps even transported to a law

enforcement facility, detention time for this category of arrestee will certainly be extended

during an immigration status verification. (See Escobar, et al. v. City of Tucson, et al., No. CV

10-249-TUC-SRB, Doc. 9, City of Tucson’s Answer & Cross-cl., ¶ 38 (stating that during

fiscal year 2009, Tucson used the cite-and-release procedure provided by A.R.S. § 13-3903

to “arrest” and immediately release 36,821 people).) Under Section 2(B) of S.B. 1070, all

arrestees will be required to prove their immigration status to the satisfaction of state

authorities, thus increasing the intrusion of police presence into the lives of legally-present

aliens (and even United States citizens), who will necessarily be swept up by this

requirement.6

The United States argues that the influx of requests for immigration status

determination directed to the federal government or federally-qualified officials would

“impermissibly shift the allocation of federal resources away from federal priorities.” (Pl.’s

Mot. at 30.) State laws have been found to be preempted where they imposed a burden on a

federal agency’s resources that impeded the agency’s function. See Buckman Co. v. Plaintiffs’

Legal Comm., 531 U.S. 341, 351 (2001) (finding a state law preempted in part because it

would create an incentive for individuals to “submit a deluge of information that the [federal

agency] neither wants nor needs, resulting in additional burdens on the FDA’s evaluation of

an application”); cf. Garrett v. City of Escondido, 465 F. Supp. 2d 1043, 1057 (S.D. Cal.

2006) (expressing concern in preemption analysis for preliminary injunction purposes that

burden on DOJ and DHS as a result of immigration status checks could “impede the functions

of those federal agencies”).

7 The problems associated with burdening federal resources are even more acute when

considered in light of other state laws similar to this provision. (See Pl.’s Mot. at 31-32

(citing to a newspaper article stating that at least 18 other states are considering parallel

legislation).); see also North Dakota v. United States, 495 U.S. 423, 458-59 (1990) (Brennan,

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Pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1373©, DHS is required to “respond to an inquiry by a Federal,

State, or local government agency, seeking to verify or ascertain the citizenship or

immigration status . . . for any purpose authorized by law, by providing the requested

verification or status information.” DHS has, in its discretion, set up LESC, which is

administered by ICE and “serves as a national enforcement operations center that promptly

provides immigration status and identity information to local, state, and federal law

enforcement agencies regarding aliens suspected of, arrested for, or convicted of criminal

activity.” (Pl.’s Mot. at 6-7 (citing Palmatier Decl. ¶¶ 3-6).) Mr. Palmatier states in his

Declaration that LESC resources are currently dedicated in part to national security objectives

such as requests for immigration status determination from the United States Secret Service,

the FBI, and employment-related requests at “national security related locations that could be

vulnerable to sabotage, attack, or exploitation.” (Palmatier Decl. ¶ 4.) Thus, an increase in the

number of requests for determinations of immigration status, such as is likely to result from

the mandatory requirement that Arizona law enforcement officials and agencies check the

immigration status of any person who is arrested, will divert resources from the federal

government’s other responsibilities and priorities.

For these reasons, the United States has demonstrated that it is likely to succeed on its

claim that the mandatory immigration verification upon arrest requirement contained in

Section 2(B) of S.B. 1070 is preempted by federal law. This requirement, as stated above, is

likely to burden legally-present aliens, in contravention of the Supreme Court’s directive in

Hines that aliens not be subject to “the possibility of inquisitorial practices and police

surveillance.” 312 U.S. at 74. Further, the number of requests that will emanate from Arizona

as a result of determining the status of every arrestee is likely to impermissibly burden federal

resources and redirect federal agencies away from the priorities they have established.7

J., concurring in plurality opinion in part and dissenting in part) (collecting cases where

burden of state regulation on federal government was amplified by aggregate potential of

multiple states following suit).

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b. Immigration Status Determination During Lawful Stops,

Detentions, or Arrests

Next, the Court turns to the first sentence of Section 2(B):

For any lawful stop, detention or arrest made by [an Arizona] law enforcement

official or . . . law enforcement agency . . . in the enforcement of any other law

or ordinance of a county, city or town of this state where reasonable suspicion

exists that the person is an alien and is unlawfully present in the United States,

a reasonable attempt shall be made, when practicable, to determine the

immigration status of the person, except if the determination may hinder or

obstruct an investigation.

A.R.S. § 11-1051(B). The United States makes essentially the same arguments about this

requirement. First, the United States advances that it imposes a burden on lawfully-present

aliens not permitted by Hines, where the Supreme Court sought to protect the personal

liberties of lawfully-present aliens to leave them free from the possibility of intrusive police

practices that might affect international relations and generate disloyalty. (Pl.’s Mot. at 26

(citing Hines, 312 U.S. at 74).) Second, the United States argues that this requirement

impermissibly burdens and redirects federal resources away from federally-established

priorities. (Id.) The United States’ arguments regarding burdening of federal resources are

identical to those outlined above and will not be restated. However, the United States makes

several arguments with respect to the burden on lawfully-present aliens that are specific to or

slightly different in the context of the first sentence of Section 2(B).

First, the United States argues that this provision “necessarily places lawfully present

aliens (and even U.S. citizens) in continual jeopardy of having to demonstrate their lawful

status to non-federal officials.” (Id. at 26.) The United States further asserts that there are

numerous categories of lawfully-present aliens “who will not have readily available

documentation to demonstrate that fact,” including foreign visitors from Visa Waiver Program

8 The Visa Waiver Program permits visitors from certain countries to enter the United States

without a visa, so long as various requirements are met. See, e.g., 8 U.S.C. § 1187; 8 C.F.R.

§§ 217.1-217.7.

9 Also, upon a check with LESC or a federally-authorized state official, the status of a United

States citizen might not be easily confirmable as many people born in the United States likely

do not have an entry in a DHS database.

10 These provisions include Sections 2(A) and 2(H), which, respectively, prohibit agencies

from restricting the enforcement of immigration laws and create a private right of action for

legal residents to sue agencies if they believe the laws are not being enforced aggressively

enough.

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countries,8 individuals who have applied for asylum but not yet received an adjudication,

people with temporary protected status, U and T non-immigrant visa applicants, or people

who have self-petitioned for relief under the Violence Against Women Act. (Id. at 26-27.)

Also, the United States points out that United States citizens are not required to carry

identification, and some citizens might not have easy access to a form of identification that

would satisfy the requirement of Section 2(B).9

The United States contends that the impact on lawfully-present aliens of the

requirement that law enforcement officials, where practicable, check the immigration status

of a person lawfully stopped, detained, or arrested where there is reasonable suspicion that the

person is an alien and is unlawfully present will be exacerbated by several factors. (Id. at 28-

29.) First, the United States suggests that the impact on lawfully-present aliens is enhanced

because this requirement applies to stops for even very minor, non-criminal violations of state

law, including jaywalking, failing to have a dog on a leash, or riding a bicycle on the

sidewalk. (Id. at 28.) Also, the United States argues that the impact will be increased because

other provisions in S.B. 1070 put pressure on law enforcement agencies and officials to

enforce the immigration laws vigorously.10 (Id. at 29.)

Hines cautions against imposing burdens on lawfully-present aliens such as those

described above. See 312 U.S. at 73-74. Legal residents will certainly be swept up by this

requirement, particularly when the impacts of the provisions pressuring law enforcement

11 The Court notes, but does not analyze here, the arguments raised by the plaintiffs in

Friendly House, No. CV 10-1061-PHX-SRB, regarding racial profiling.

12 Many law enforcement officials already have the discretion to verify immigration status

if they have reasonable suspicion, in the absence of S.B. 1070; Section 2 of S.B. 1070

removes that discretion by making immigration status determinations mandatory where

practicable. (See Pl.’s Mot. at 26; Defs.’ Resp. at 20.)

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agencies to enforce immigration laws are considered. See A.R.S. § 11-1051(A), (H). Certain

categories of people with transitional status and foreign visitors from countries that are part

of the Visa Waiver Program will not have readily available documentation of their

authorization to remain in the United States, thus potentially subjecting them to arrest or

detention, in addition to the burden of “the possibility of inquisitorial practices and police

surveillance.” Hines, 312 U.S. at 74. In Hines, the Supreme Court emphasized the important

federal responsibility to maintain international relationships, for the protection of American

citizens abroad as well as to ensure uniform national foreign policy. Id. at 62-66; see also

Zadvydas v. Davis, 533 U.S. 678, 700 (2001) (“We recognize . . . the Nation’s need to ‘speak

with one voice’ in immigration matters.”). The United States asserts, and the Court agrees,

that “the federal government has long rejected a system by which aliens’ papers are routinely

demanded and checked.” (Pl.’s Mot. at 26.)11 The Court finds that this requirement imposes

an unacceptable burden on lawfully-present aliens.

With respect to the United States’ arguments regarding the burden on and impediment

of federal resources as they relate to the first sentence of Section 2(B), the Court’s conclusions

mirror those stated above regarding the second sentence of Section 2(B). Federal resources

will be taxed and diverted from federal enforcement priorities as a result of the increase in

requests for immigration status determination that will flow from Arizona if law enforcement

officials are required to verify immigration status whenever, during the course of a lawful

stop, detention, or arrest, the law enforcement official has reasonable suspicion of unlawful

presence in the United States.12 In combination with the impermissible burden this provision

will place on lawfully-present aliens, the burden on federal resources and priorities also leads

13 8 U.S.C. § 1306(a) makes it a misdemeanor, subject to a maximum fine of $1000 and a

maximum of six months imprisonment, to willfully fail or refuse to apply for registration

when such application is required. Similarly, 8 U.S.C. § 1304(e) requires an alien to carry

a certificate of alien registration or alien registration receipt and makes a failure to comply

with these requirements a misdemeanor subject to a maximum fine of $100 and

imprisonment for up to 30 days.

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to an inference of preemption. Therefore, for the purposes of preliminary injunction analysis,

the Court concludes that the United States has demonstrated a likelihood of success on its

challenge to the first sentence of Section 2(B). Section 2(B) in its entirety is likely preempted

by federal law.

3. Section 3: A.R.S. § 13-1509

Section 3 states that “a person is guilty of willful failure to complete or carry an alien

registration document if the person is in violation of 8 [u.S.C. §§] 1304(e) or 1306(a).” A.R.S.

§ 13-1509(A).13 The penalties for violation of Section 3, a class 1 misdemeanor, are a

maximum fine of $100 and a maximum of 20 days in jail for a first violation and up to 30

days in jail for any subsequent violation. A.R.S. § 13-1509(H). Section 3 also limits violators’

eligibility for suspension of sentence, probation, pardon, and commutation of a sentence and

requires violators to pay jail costs. A.R.S. § 13-1509(D), (E). Section 3 does not apply to “a

person who maintains authorization from the federal government to remain in the United

States.” A.R.S. § 13-1509(F). Essentially, Section 3 makes it a state crime to violate federal

registration laws and provides for state prosecutions and penalties for violations of the federal

registration law. The United States argues that Section 3 is preempted because it interferes

with comprehensive federal alien registration law, seeks to criminalize unlawful presence, and

will result in the harassment of aliens. (Pl.’s Mot. at 34-39.) Arizona asserts that Section 3

neither conflicts with federal law nor regulates in a federally occupied field. (Defs.’ Resp. at

21-22.)

“[T]he power to restrict, limit, regulate, and register aliens as a distinct group is not an

equal and continuously existing concurrent power of state and nation[;] . . . whatever power

a state may have is subordinate to supreme national law.” Hines, 312 U.S. at 68. In Hines, the

Supreme Court found that,

where the federal government, in the exercise of its superior authority in this

field, has enacted a complete scheme of regulation and has therein provided

a standard for the registration of aliens, states cannot, inconsistently with the

purpose of Congress, conflict or interfere with, curtail or complement, the

federal law, or enforce additional or auxiliary regulations.

312 U.S. at 66-67. Hines also stated that a state statute is preempted where it “stands as an

obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of

Congress.” Id. at 67. The Supreme Court determined in Hines that the purpose of the Federal

Alien Registration Act was to “make a harmonious whole” and that the Alien Registration Act

“provided a standard for alien registration in a single integrated and all-embracing system.”

Id. at 72, 74. As a result, the Hines court held that the state registration scheme at issue could

not be enforced. Id. at 74.

The current federal alien registration requirements create an integrated and

comprehensive system of registration. See id. (finding that the Alien Registration Act, the

precursor to the current alien registration scheme, created a “single integrated and allembracing

system” of registration); 8 U.S.C. §§ 1201, 1301-06 (providing federal registration

requirements and penalties). While the Supreme Court rejected the possibility that the INA

is so comprehensive that it leaves no room for state action that impacts aliens, De Canas, 424

U.S. at 358, the Supreme Court has also evaluated the impact of the comprehensive federal

alien registration scheme and determined that the complete scheme of registration precludes

states from conflicting with or complementing the federal law. Hines, 312 U.S. at 66-67.

Section 3 attempts to supplement or complement the uniform, national registration

scheme by making it a state crime to violate the federal alien registration requirements, which

a state may not do “inconsistently with the purpose of Congress.” Hines, 312 U.S. at 66-67;

see also A.R.S. § 13-1509(A). While Section 3 does not create additional registration

requirements, the statute does aim to create state penalties and lead to state prosecutions for

violation of the federal law. Although the alien registration requirements remain uniform,

Section 3 alters the penalties established by Congress under the federal registration scheme.

14 Subsections (B)-(H) pertain to the implementation and enforcement of Section 3. No

provisions of Section 3 retain any effect absent Section 3’s operative provision.

15 At the July 22, 2010, Hearing on the United States’ Motion for a Preliminary Injunction,

the United States confirmed that it does not seek to enjoin A.R.S. § 13-2319. (Hr’g Tr. 5:10-

20.)

16 Two provisions of Section 5 prohibit the act of hiring and being hired by the occupant of

a motor vehicle. A.R.S. § 13-2928(A), (B). The Court finds that the June 9, 2010, decision

of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in a case contesting a virtually identical local ordinance

in Redondo Beach, California forecloses a challenge to A.R.S. §§ 13-2928 (A) and (B) on

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Section 3 stands as an obstacle to the uniform, federal registration scheme and is therefore an

impermissible attempt by Arizona to regulate alien registration. See Hines, 312 U.S. at 67. As

a result, the Court finds that the United States is likely to succeed on its claim that Section 3

is preempted by federal law.14

4. Section 4: Amendment to A.R.S. § 13-2319

Section 4 of S.B. 1070 amends Arizona’s human smuggling statute, A.R.S. § 13-2319.

Section 4 adds, “Notwithstanding any other law, in the enforcement of this section a peace

officer may lawfully stop any person who is operating a motor vehicle if the officer has

reasonable suspicion to believe the person is in violation of any civil traffic law.” A.R.S. § 13-

2319(E). The United States requests an injunction prohibiting the enforcement of Section 4

but does not seek an injunction as to A.R.S. § 13-2319. (Pl.’s Compl. at 24 (requesting a

preliminary and permanent injunction prohibiting the enforcement of Sections 1-6 of S.B.

1070).)15 However, the arguments asserted by the United States in support of enjoining

Section 4 pertain entirely to separate provisions of A.R.S. § 13-2319 and do not challenge the

change embodied in Section 4. (Pl.’s Mot. at 39-42.)

Section 4 makes a minor change to Arizona’s preexisting human smuggling statute,

which is not specifically challenged by the United States. Nothing about the section standing

alone warrants an injunction. As a result, the Court finds that the United States is not likely

to succeed on a claim that Section 4 of S.B. 1070 is preempted by federal law.

5. Section 5: A.R.S. § 13-2928©16

First Amendment grounds. See Comite de Jornaleros de Redondo Beach v. City of Redondo

Beach, 607 F.3d 1178, 1184-93 (9th Cir. 2010).

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Section 5 of S.B. 1070 creates A.R.S. § 13-2928©, which provides that “it is unlawful

for a person who is unlawfully present in the United States and who is an unauthorized alien

to knowingly apply for work, solicit work in a public place or perform work as an employee

or independent contractor in this state.” This violation is a class 1 misdemeanor. A.R.S. § 13-

2928(F). The United States asserts that this provision “is preempted by Congress’s

comprehensive scheme, set forth in [iRCA] for regulating the employment of aliens.” (Pl.’s

Mot. at 42.) The United States argues that “IRCA reflects Congress’s deliberate choice not

to criminally penalize unlawfully present aliens for performing work, much less for attempting

to perform it.” (Id.) Arizona responds that “Congress could have, but chose not to, expressly

preempt state and local laws that impose civil or criminal sanctions upon employees.” (Defs.’

Resp. at 25.) Arizona contends that, in an area of traditional state sovereignty such as

employment, “[p]reemption cannot be lightly inferred.” (Id.)

“States possess broad authority under their police powers to regulate the employment

relationship to protect workers within the State.” De Canas, 424 U.S. at 356. Interpreting De

Canas and considering a state law sanctioning employers who hire unauthorized workers, the

Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held that, “because the power to regulate the employment of

unauthorized aliens remains within the states’ historic police powers, an assumption of nonpreemption

appli[ed].” Chicanos Por La Causa I, 544 F.3d at 984; accord Wyeth v. Levine,

129 S. Ct. 1187, 1194-95 (2009) (observing that “n all pre-emption cases, and particularly

in those in which Congress has legislated . . . in a field which the States have traditionally

occupied, . . . we start with the assumption that the historic police powers of the States were

not to be superseded by the Federal Act unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of

Congress” (internal quotations and citation omitted)).

A.R.S. § 13-2928©, as amended, regulates the employment of unauthorized aliens

in Arizona, and, thus, a presumption against preemption applies in the context of this

17 IIRIRA created three pilot programs for employee verification; of those three, only the

program commonly known as E-Verify is still in existence. See Chamber of Commerce of

the United States v. Edmondson, 594 F.3d 742, 752 (10th Cir. 2010).

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provision. However, while deliberate federal inaction does not always imply preemption,

“[w]here a comprehensive federal scheme intentionally leaves a portion of the regulated field

without controls, then the pre-emptive inference can be drawn, not from federal inaction alone

but from inaction joined with action.” P.R. Dep’t of Consumer Affairs v. Isla Petroleum Corp.,

485 U.S. 495, 503 (1988). The Supreme Court explained in Puerto Rico Department of

Consumer Affairs that with some “extant action” by Congress, there can arise “an inference

of pre-emption in an unregulated segment of an otherwise regulated field.” Id. at 504; see also

Geier v. Am. Honda Motor Co., 529 U.S. 861, 869 (2000) (concluding that neither an express

pre-emption provision nor a saving clause “bar the ordinary working of conflict preemption

principles”).

IRCA provides penalties for employers who knowingly hire or continue to employ an

alien without work authorization. 8 U.S.C. § 1324a(a)(1)-(2), (e)(4). IRCA also prohibits

employers from recruiting or referring for a fee unauthorized workers. Id. § 1324a(a)(1).

IRCA makes it unlawful to use contractors or subcontractors to hire unauthorized alien

workers. Id. § 1324a(a)(4). Under IRCA, employers are required to comply with an

“employment verification system” set up by the statute. Id. § 1324a(b).17 IRCA also instituted

a compliance scheme and a series of escalating sanctions for violations, entailing increasing

monetary fines for each subsequent violation and the possibility of injunctive sanctions. Id.

§ 1324a(e)(4); 8 C.F.R. § 274a.10 (outlining civil and criminal penalties for violations of 8

U.S.C. § 1324a(a)(1)(A) or (a)(2)).

While it is readily apparent that Congress’s central focus in IRCA was employer

sanctions, there are also targeted sanctions directed at employees. See 8 U.S.C. § 1324c

(making it a civil violation to make or use a false document or to use a document belonging

to another person, in the context of unlawful employment of an unauthorized alien). As the

Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals observed, “While Congress initially discussed the merits of

fining, detaining or adopting criminal sanctions against the employee, it ultimately rejected

all such proposals.” Nat’l Ctr. for Immigrants’ Rights, Inc. v. INS, 913 F.2d 1350, 1368 (9th

Cir. 1990) (examining IRCA’s legislative history), rev’d on other grounds, 502 U.S. 183

(1991). The court in National Center for Immigrants’ Rights found that the determination to

reduce or deter employment of unauthorized workers by sanctioning employers, rather than

employees, was “a congressional policy choice clearly elaborated in IRCA.” Id. at 1370.

IRCA also requires that an individual seeking employment “attest, under penalty of

perjury . . . that the individual is a citizen or national of the United States, an alien lawfully

admitted for permanent residence, or an alien who is authorized . . . to be hired, recruited, or

referred for such employment.” 8 U.S.C. § 1324a(b)(2). This attestation is to be made on a

form “designated or established by the Attorney General,” and IRCA states that the form “and

any information contained in or appended to such form[] may not be used for purposes other

than for enforcement of this chapter and sections 1001, 1028, 1546, and 1621 of Title 18” of

the federal criminal code. Id. § 1324a(b)(5). The provisions of Title 18 referenced in §

1324a(b)(5) of Title 8 make it a federal crime to, in any matter within the jurisdiction of the

federal government:

18 U.S.C. § 1001(a): (1) falsify, conceal, or cover up any material fact;

(2) knowingly make or use a materially false,

fictitious, or fraudulent statement; or (3) make or

use any false writing or document.

18 U.S.C. § 1028(a): knowingly make, use, or transfer a false or stolen

identification document or identification document

belonging to another person or any implement or

feature for use in creating a false identification

document.

18 U.S.C. § 1546: (a) forge or falsify an immigration document; or

(b) use a false identification document, a document

not properly issued to the user, or a false

attestation.

18 U.S.C. § 1621: commit perjury by knowingly making a false

statement after taking an oath to tell the truth

during a proceeding or on any document signed

under penalty of perjury.

18 The United States also asserts in a footnote that A.R.S. § 13-2929 directly conflicts with

8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)©, a section of the federal alien smuggling statute, which provides an

exception for certain religious groups for contact with volunteer ministers and missionaries.

(Id. at 46 n.40.) While the federal statute includes a narrow exception for religious

organizations engaged in certain conduct not specifically exempted under A.R.S. § 13-2929,

the new Arizona statute is narrower than its federal counterpart because it requires that the

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Accordingly, the attestation forms described in 8 U.S.C. § 1324a(b)(2) may only be used for

these limited purposes.

The provision limiting the use of attestation forms and the civil penalties outlined for

document fraud in Title 8 and the robust sanctions for employers who hire, continue to

employ, or refer unauthorized workers convince the Court that Congress has comprehensively

regulated in the field of employment of unauthorized aliens. These “extant actions,” in

combination with an absence of regulation for the particular violation of working without

authorization, lead to the conclusion that Congress intended not to penalize this action, other

than the specific sanctions outlined above. See P.R. Dep’t of Consumer Affairs, 485 U.S. at

503-04. Thus, the Court finds that Plaintiff is likely to succeed on its claim that Arizona’s new

crime for working without authorization, set forth in Section 5© of S.B. 1070, conflicts with

a comprehensive federal scheme and is preempted.

6. Section 5: A.R.S. § 13-2929

Section 5 of S.B. 1070 also creates A.R.S. § 13-2929, which makes it illegal for a

person who is in violation of a criminal offense to: (1) transport or move or attempt to

transport or move an alien in Arizona in furtherance of the alien’s unlawful presence in the

United States; (2) conceal, harbor, or shield or attempt to conceal, harbor, or shield an alien

from detection in Arizona; and (3) encourage or induce an alien to come to or live in Arizona.

A.R.S. § 13-2929(A)(1)-(3). In order to violate A.R.S. § 13-2929(A), a person must also know

or recklessly disregard the fact that the alien is unlawfully present in the United States. Id. The

United States asserts that this provision is preempted as an impermissible regulation of

immigration and that the provision violates the dormant Commerce Clause. (Pl.’s Mot. at 44-

46.)18

person already be in violation of a criminal offense. In light of the intentional narrowing of

the Arizona enactment, the Court would have to imagine a set of remote circumstances in

order to find a potential conflict between the federal and the state law. In addition, Arizona

asserts that A.R.S. § 13-2929 targets criminals who engage unlawfully present aliens to be

involved in a criminal enterprise. On a facial challenge, “the challenger must establish that

no set of circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid.” Salerno, 481 U.S. at 745.

In deciding a facial challenge, courts “must be careful not to go beyond the statute’s facial

requirements and speculate about ‘hypothetical’ or ‘imaginary’ cases.” Wash. State Grange,

552 U.S. at 449-50 (quoting Raines, 362 U.S. at 22). A.R.S. § 13-2929 is narrower than the

federal law, and the Court will not speculate about hypothetical cases in order to find a

conflict between the two.

- 28 -

a. Regulation of Immigration

The “[p]ower to regulate immigration is unquestionably exclusively a federal power.”

De Canas, 424 U.S. at 354. The regulation of immigration is “essentially a determination of

who should or should not be admitted into the country, and the conditions under which a legal

entrant may remain.” Id. at 355. “[T]he fact that aliens are the subject of a state statute does

not render it a regulation of immigration.” Id. The United States argues that “to the extent

Section 5 is not a restriction on interstate movement, it is necessarily a restriction on unlawful

entry into the United States.” (Pl.’s Mot. at 45.)

A.R.S. § 13-2929 does not attempt to regulate who should or should not be admitted

into the United States, and it does not regulate the conditions under which legal entrants may

remain in the United States. See De Canas, 424 U.S. at 355. Therefore, the Court concludes

that the United States is not likely to succeed on its claim that A.R.S. § 13-2929 is an

impermissible regulation of immigration.

b. The Dormant Commerce Clause

The Commerce Clause provides Congress with the power to “regulate Commerce . .

. among the several States.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1, 3. The Supreme Court has interpreted

the Commerce Clause “to have a ‘negative’ aspect that denies the States the power

unjustifiably to discriminate against or burden the interstate flow of articles of commerce.”

Or. Waste Sys., Inc. v. Dep’t of Envtl. Quality, 511 U.S. 93, 98 (1994). This doctrine is often

referred to as the “dormant Commerce Clause.” United Haulers ###’n v. Oneida-Herkimer

19 The United States argues that the dormant Commerce Clause “forbids certain state

regulations attempting to discourage or otherwise restrict the movement of people between

states.” (Pl.’s Mot. at 45 (citing Edwards v. California, 314 U.S. 160, 172-73 (1941)).)

However, the United States fails to cite any authority supporting the proposition that

unlawfully present aliens must be permitted to travel from state to state. In Edwards, the

Supreme Court struck down a California statute prohibiting the transportation of indigent

people into California. Edwards, 314 U.S. at 173. Unlike the California statute at issue in

Edwards, A.R.S. § 13-2929 prohibits the transportation of people who are unlawfully present

in the United States. Moreover, A.R.S. § 13-2929 does not attempt to prohibit entry into

Arizona, but rather criminalizes specific conduct already prohibited by federal law.

- 29 -

Solid Waste Mgmt. Auth., 550 U.S. 330, 338 (2007). “The dormant Commerce Clause is

implicated if state laws regulate an activity that ‘has a substantial effect’ on interstate

commerce such that Congress could regulate the activity.’” Nat’l ###’n of Optometrists &

Opticians Lenscrafters, Inc. v. Brown, 567 F.3d 521, 525 (9th Cir. 2009) (quoting

Conservation Force, Inc. v. Manning, 301 F.3d 985, 993 (9th Cir. 2002)).

If a state statute implicates the dormant Commerce Clause, the Court must then

determine “whether [the statute] discriminates on its face against interstate commerce.”

United Haulers, 550 U.S. at 338. “In this context, discrimination simply means differential

treatment of in-state and out-of-state economic interests that benefits the former and burdens

the latter.” Id. (internal quotation and citation omitted). Nondiscriminatory statutes directed

at legitimate local concerns do not violate the dormant Commerce Clause “‘unless the burden

imposed on [interstate] commerce is clearly excessive in relation to the putative local

benefits.’” Id. at 346 (quoting Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc., 397 U.S. 137, 142 (1970)).

The United States argues that A.R.S. § 13-2929 “offends the [d]ormant Commerce

Clause by restricting the interstate movement of aliens.” (Pl.’s Mot. at 45.) A.R.S. § 13-2929

does not restrict or limit which aliens can enter Arizona. While the regulation of immigration

does have an impact on interstate commerce, the United States has not provided a satisfactory

explanation of how A.R.S. § 13-2929, which creates parallel state statutory provisions for

conduct already prohibited by federal law, has a substantial effect on interstate commerce.19

20 The United States asserts that Section 10 of S.B. 1070 “is preempted insofar as it is based

on the state law violations identified in Sections 4 and 5, which are preempted for the reasons

discussed herein.” (Pl.’s Mot. at 12 n.8.) As discussed above, the Court finds that Sections

4 and 5 are not likely to be preempted by federal law. Therefore, the United States is also not

likely to succeed on its claim that Section 10 is preempted.

- 30 -

Even assuming that A.R.S. § 13-2929 implicates the Commerce Clause, the statutory

provision does not discriminate between in-state and out-of-state economic interests. See

United Haulers, 550 U.S. at 338. A.R.S. § 13-2929 governs conduct occurring in Arizona and

does not differentiate between in-state and out-of-state economic interests or burden out-ofstate

interests in a way that benefits in-state interests. Further, Arizona’s nondiscriminatory

statute is directed at legitimate local concerns related to public safety. Therefore, A.R.S. § 13-

2929 does not violate the dormant Commerce Clause “‘unless the burden imposed on

[interstate] commerce is clearly excessive in relation to the putative local benefits.’” Id. at 346

(quoting Pike, 397 U.S. at 142). Here, any incidental burden on interstate commerce is

minimal in comparison with the putative local benefits. The Court finds that the United States

is not likely to succeed on its claim that Section 5’s addition of A.R.S. § 13-2929 violates the

dormant Commerce Clause or is an impermissible attempt to regulate immigration.20

7. Section 6: Amendment to A.R.S. § 13-3883(A)

In Section 6 of S.B. 1070, the Arizona Legislature revised A.R.S. § 13-3883 to provide

that an officer may arrest a person without a warrant if the officer has probable cause to

believe that “the person to be arrested has committed any public offense that makes the person

removable from the United States.” A.R.S. § 13-3883(A)(5). In Arizona, a “public offense”

is

conduct for which a sentence to a term of imprisonment or of a fine is provided

by any law of the state in which it occurred or by any law, regulation or

ordinance of a political subdivision of that state and, if the act occurred in a

state other than this state, it would be so punishable under the laws, regulations

or ordinances of this state or of a political subdivision of this state if the act had

occurred in this state.

A.R.S. § 13-105(26). Because A.R.S. § 13-3883 already provides for the warrantless arrest

of a person who commits a felony, misdemeanor, petty offense, or one of certain criminal

violations in connection with a traffic accident, the effect of Section 6 on warrantless arrest

authority is not entirely clear. Indeed, the Arizona officer training materials state that the

revision to A.R.S. § 13-3883 “does not appear to change Arizona law.” Implementation of the

2010 Ariz. Immigration Laws - Statutory Provisions for Peace Officers 11 (June 2010),

http://agency.azpost.gov/supporting_docs/A...utesOutline.pdf. Both the

United States, in its Motion, and Arizona, at the Hearing, suggested that the revision provides

for the warrantless arrest of a person where there is probable cause to believe the person

committed a crime in another state that would be considered a crime if it had been committed

in Arizona and that would subject the person to removal from the United States. (Pl’s Mot.

at 32-33; Hr’g Tr. 46-48.) What is clear is that the statutory revision targets only aliens–legal

and illegal–because only aliens are removable. See Hughes v. Ashcroft, 255 F.3d 752, 756 (9th

Cir. 2001) (citing 8 U.S.C. § 1227).

In its brief, Arizona originally asserted that the new provision in A.R.S. § 13-3883 was

“based upon a memorandum the DOJ’s Office of Legal Counsel prepared in which it

concluded that federal law does not ‘preclude[] state police from arresting aliens on the basis

of civil deportability.’” (Defs.’ Resp. at 14 (quoting id., Ex. 4, Mem. from Jay S. Bybee,

Assistant Att’y Gen., Re: Non-preemption of the authority of state and local law enforcement

officials to arrest aliens for immigration violations, at 13).) Although neither party asserted

it at the Hearing, the Arizona Legislature’s intent may have been to provide for the

warrantless arrest of an alien who was previously convicted of a crime in Arizona but never

referred to DHS for potential removal proceedings. This alternate interpretation of the

revision to A.R.S. § 13-3883 would be in keeping with a goal of conferring on state officers

the authority to arrest aliens on the basis of civil deportability.

Under the interpretation suggested by both parties that the revision to A.R.S. § 13-3883

is directed at the arrest of aliens who committed a crime in another state, the statute first

requires an officer to determine whether an alien’s out-of-state crime would have been a crime

if it had been committed in Arizona, a determination that requires knowledge of out-of-state

statutes and their relationship with Arizona’s statutes. See State v. Roque, 141 P.3d 368, 391

(Ariz. 2006) (concluding that the California and Arizona robbery statutes are not coterminous

and, under certain facts, a person may be convicted of attempted robbery in California but not

Arizona). Under any interpretation of the revision to A.R.S. § 13-3883, it requires an officer

to determine whether an alien’s public offense makes the alien removable from the United

States, a task of considerable complexity that falls under the exclusive authority of the federal

government. Justice Alito has commented that

providing advice on whether a conviction for a particular offense will make an

alien removable is often quite complex. “Most crimes affecting immigration

status are not specifically mentioned by the [immigration and Nationality Act

(INA)], but instead fall under a broad category of crimes such as crimes

involving moral turpitude or aggravated felonies.” M. Garcia & L. Eig, CRS

Report for Congress, Immigration Consequences of Criminal Activity (Sept. 20,

2006) (summary) (emphasis in original). As has been widely acknowledged,

determining whether a particular crime is an “aggravated felony” or a “crime

involving moral turpitude [(CIMT)]” is not an easy task.

Padilla v. Kentucky, 130 S. Ct. 1473, 1488 (2010) (Alito, J., concurring) (some citations

omitted). Within the complicated scheme of determining removability, some federal officials

are, under certain circumstances, authorized to change the immigration consequences of the

commission of a public offense and cancel or suspend the removal of an alien. See, e.g., 8

U.S.C. §§ 1229b(a), 1253(a)(3). Ultimately, immigration court judges and federal appeals

court judges determine whether an alien’s offense makes an alien removable. See id. §

1182(a)(2) (describing crimes that qualify as grounds for inadmissibility); id. § 1227(a)(2)

(describing crimes that qualify as grounds for deportation).

In its Motion, the United States provided evidence that Arizona police officers have

no familiarity with assessing whether a public offense would make an alien removable from

the United States. (Pl.’s Mot., Ex. 8, Decl. of Tony Estrada, Sheriff of Santa Cruz Cnty. ¶¶

8-9; Ex. 9, Decl. of Roberto Villaseñor, Chief of Police, Tucson Police Dep’t ¶ 6.) In its

Response, Arizona asserted that, under the new A.R.S. § 11-1051, Arizona officers can

contact DHS to determine the immigration status of aliens. (Defs.’ Resp. at 19.) But the

revision to A.R.S. § 13-3883 does not state that an officer must contact DHS to assess

21 Even if an officer does contact LESC for the immigration status of an alien, it is not clear

that LESC will have any information regarding whether a particular public offense that an

alien may have committed will make the alien removable from the United States. “Congress

established the LESC to provide alien status determination support to federal, state, and local

law enforcement on a 24-hour-a-day, seven-days-a-week basis. The enabling legislation is

codified in 8 U.S.C. §§ 1226(d)(1)(A) & 1252 Note.” (Palmatier Decl. ¶ 5.) The statute only

directs LESC to determine the immigration status of an arrested individual. 8 U.S.C. §

1226(d)(1)(A). For its part, Arizona did not provide any evidence that LESC would be able

to advise an officer whether a particular public offense makes an alien removable.

- 33 -

removability; the revision simply extends the authority for an officer to make a warrantless

arrest.21

Considering the substantial complexity in determining whether a particular public

offense makes an alien removable from the United States and the fact that this determination

is ultimately made by federal judges, there is a substantial likelihood that officers will

wrongfully arrest legal resident aliens under the new A.R.S. § 13-3883(A)(5). By enforcing

this statute, Arizona would impose a “distinct, unusual and extraordinary” burden on legal

resident aliens that only the federal government has the authority to impose. Hines, 312 U.S.

at 65-66. The Court thus finds that the United States is likely to succeed on the merits in

showing that A.R.S. § 13-3883(A)(5), created by Section 6 of S.B. 1070, is preempted by

federal law.

C. Likelihood of Irreparable Harm

The Supreme Court has repeatedly recognized the “basic doctrine of equity

jurisprudence that courts of equity should not act . . . when the moving party has an adequate

remedy at law and will not suffer irreparable injury if denied equitable relief.” Younger v.

Harris, 401 U.S. 37, 43-44 (1971). Thus the United States also has the burden to establish

that, absent a preliminary injunction, there is a likelihood–not just a possibility–that it will

suffer irreparable harm. Winter, 129 S. Ct. at 374-75.

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has stated “‘that an alleged constitutional

infringement will often alone constitute irreparable harm.’” Monterey Mech. Co. v. Wilson,

125 F.3d 702, 715 (9th Cir. 1997) (quoting Assoc. Gen. Contractors of Cal., Inc. v. Coal. for

Econ. Equal., 950 F.2d 1401, 1412 (9th Cir. 1991)). Indeed, if an individual or entity faces

the imminent threat of enforcement of a preempted state law and the resulting injury may not

be remedied by monetary damages, the individual or entity is likely to suffer irreparable harm.

See Morales v. Trans World Airlines, Inc., 504 U.S. 374, 381 (1992) (stating that a federal

court may properly enjoin “state officers ‘who threaten and are about to commence

proceedings, either of a civil or criminal nature, to enforce against parties affected an

unconstitutional act, violating the Federal Constitution’” (quoting Ex parte Young, 209 U.S.

123, 156 (1908)); New Orleans Pub. Serv., Inc. v. Council of New Orleans, 491 U.S. 350,

366-67 (1989) (suggesting that irreparable injury is an inherent result of the enforcement of

a state law that is preempted on its face); Edmondson, 594 F.3d at 771 (concluding that

plaintiff is likely to suffer irreparable injury if enforcement of state law that is likely

preempted by IRCA and IIRIRA is not enjoined); Villas at Parkside Partners v. City of

Farmers Branch, 577 F. Supp. 2d 858, 878 (N.D. Tex. 2008) (concluding that there is a

likelihood of irreparable injury if enforcement of a city ordinance that is preempted by the

INA is not enjoined).

If enforcement of the portions of S.B. 1070 for which the Court finds a likelihood of

preemption is not enjoined, the United States is likely to suffer irreparable harm. This is so

because the federal government’s ability to enforce its policies and achieve its objectives will

be undermined by the state’s enforcement of statutes that interfere with federal law, even if

the Court were to conclude that the state statutes have substantially the same goals as federal

law. See Crosby v. Nat’l Foreign Trade Council, 530 U.S. 363, 379-80 & n.14 (2000). For

this injury, the United States will have no remedy at law. The Court thus finds a likelihood

of irreparable harm to the interests of the United States that warrants preliminary injunctive

relief. See Am. Ins. ###’n v. Garamendi, 539 U.S. 396, 413, 427 (2003) (enjoining

permanently the enforcement of a state statute that is preempted by federal law because it

interferes with the federal government’s ability to enforce its policies); Crosby, 530 U.S. at

372, 379-80 (same).

D. The Balance of Equities and the Public Interest

The United States also has the burden to show that the balance of equities tips in its

favor and that a preliminary injunction is in the public interest. Winter, 129 S. Ct. at 374. “A

preliminary injunction is an extraordinary remedy never awarded as of right.” Id. at 376

(citing Munaf v. Green, 128 S. Ct. 2207, 2218-19 (2008)). “In each case, courts ‘must balance

the competing claims of injury and must consider the effect on each party of the granting or

withholding of the requested relief,’” paying particular attention to the public consequences.

Id. at 376-77 (quoting Amoco Prod. Co. v. Vill. of Gambell, Alaska, 480 U.S. 531, 542

(1987)).

The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has concluded that allowing a state to enforce a

state law in violation of the Supremacy Clause is neither equitable nor in the public interest.

Cal. Pharmacists ###’n v. Maxwell-Jolly, 563 F.3d 847, 852-53 (9th Cir. 2009); Am. Trucking

###’ns, Inc. v. City of L.A., 559 F.3d 1046, 1059-60 (9th Cir. 2009). If Arizona were to

enforce the portions of S.B. 1070 for which the Court has found a likelihood of preemption,

such enforcement would likely burden legal resident aliens and interfere with federal policy.

A preliminary injunction would allow the federal government to continue to pursue federal

priorities, which is inherently in the public interest, until a final judgment is reached in this

case. See Am. Trucking, 559 F.3d at 1059-60.

The Court by no means disregards Arizona’s interests in controlling illegal

immigration and addressing the concurrent problems with crime including the trafficking of

humans, drugs, guns, and money. Even though Arizona’s interests may be consistent with

those of the federal government, it is not in the public interest for Arizona to enforce

preempted laws. See Edmondson, 594 F.3d at 771. The Court therefore finds that preserving

the status quo through a preliminary injunction is less harmful than allowing state laws that

are likely preempted by federal law to be enforced. See Cal. Pharmacists, 563 F.3d at 852-53;

Am. Trucking, 559 F.3d at 1059-60.

IT IS THEREFORE ORDERED granting in part and denying in part the United

States’ Motion for Preliminary Injunction (Doc. 27).

 
timschochet said:
"Requiring Arizona law enforcement officials and agencies to determine the immigration status of every person who is arrested burdens lawfully-present aliens because their liberty will be restricted while their status is checked," U.S. District Judge Susan Bolton ruled.
Makes absolutely no sense. If they've been arrested, they've already lost their liberty.Weak stuff here.
lol...not all people arrested are guilty
How is that relevant to the liberty issue?
Might want to read the next sentence in the ruling before saying I have a reading comprehension problem.
 
This part is a crock

Requiring Arizona law enforcement officials and agencies to determine the immigration status of every person who is arrested burdens lawfully-present aliens because their liberty will be restricted while their status is checked. Given the large number of people who are technically “arrested” but never booked into jail or perhaps even transported to a law enforcement facility, detention time for this category of arrestee will certainly be extended during an immigration status verification. (See Escobar, et al. v. City of Tucson, et al., No. CV 10-249-TUC-SRB, Doc. 9, City of Tucson’s Answer & Cross-cl., ¶ 38 (stating that during fiscal year 2009, Tucson used the cite-and-release procedure provided by A.R.S. § 13-3903 to “arrest” and immediately release 36,821 people).) Under Section 2(B) of S.B. 1070, all arrestees will be required to prove their immigration status to the satisfaction of state authorities, thus increasing the intrusion of police presence into the lives of legally-present aliens (and even United States citizens), who will necessarily be swept up by this requirement.6

The argument that a detention is unreasonable when the police have to check the identity of the person and also if they ahve committed other crimes is a joke. Police do it all the time at traffic stops. The typical traffic stop for running a red light should take all of 5 minutes, but it takes 25 - why? Because the cop takes your ID and traces the name and information to determine if there are any warrants or other issues. This is no different.

 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.

 
The federal resources argument is an interesting one. It's a political firestorm. From a legal standpoint, the judge was right to grant the injunction there. However in winning that argument, the federal government loses a lot by basically arguing that they don't have the resources to effect their own policy. Arizona can beat that argument.

 
This part is a crock

Requiring Arizona law enforcement officials and agencies to determine the immigration status of every person who is arrested burdens lawfully-present aliens because their liberty will be restricted while their status is checked. Given the large number of people who are technically “arrested” but never booked into jail or perhaps even transported to a law enforcement facility, detention time for this category of arrestee will certainly be extended during an immigration status verification. (See Escobar, et al. v. City of Tucson, et al., No. CV 10-249-TUC-SRB, Doc. 9, City of Tucson’s Answer & Cross-cl., ¶ 38 (stating that during fiscal year 2009, Tucson used the cite-and-release procedure provided by A.R.S. § 13-3903 to “arrest” and immediately release 36,821 people).) Under Section 2(B) of S.B. 1070, all arrestees will be required to prove their immigration status to the satisfaction of state authorities, thus increasing the intrusion of police presence into the lives of legally-present aliens (and even United States citizens), who will necessarily be swept up by this requirement.6

The argument that a detention is unreasonable when the police have to check the identity of the person and also if they ahve committed other crimes is a joke. Police do it all the time at traffic stops. The typical traffic stop for running a red light should take all of 5 minutes, but it takes 25 - why? Because the cop takes your ID and traces the name and information to determine if there are any warrants or other issues. This is no different.
Again, I have to agree with this.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
I don't have any shtick. And I certainly don't believe I am defending indefensible positions. But you're entitled to your opinion.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
Actually the more I think about it, the more this seems to me perhaps the biggest single insult I have ever received in this forum; though in truth, you're really insulting your own knowledge and intelligence.Care to explain what being an American means to you, and how my viewpoints are embarrasing to America?

 
Oof, she had to go to the dormant Commerce Clause.

With the exception of my first review post where I think the judge is flat wrong in policy and practice, the rest of the holding is sound. For the court, at least. For the United States, the holding presents a problem. The crux of the holding and the arguments made by the United States basically come down to this:

1. We don't have the resources to effect our own policy, so Arizona just has to suffer.

2. We haven't created certain penalities for certain actions because we've simply chosen not to, and Arizona has to suffer.

3. Federal priorities in this avenue of legislation simply does not include enforcing these laws for the protection of the people of Arizona. And in dicta, she basically continues this line of reasoning by pointing out that other states are about to jump on the bandwagon and make it worse for the federal government.)

That's the essential argument void of the legal reasoning. It's terrible argument, and basically gets us to a place when Arizona is put in a position to suffer damage with absolutely no remedy. While the law correctly fell to the Unites States for preliminary relief based on a potential non-remedy there, I don't think the same necessarily applies to the state of Arizona.

This is a political nightmare for the current federal administration and everyone connected to it and these policies in both parties. Basically the people of Arizona have no right to protect themselves here, and their state government can't help them, because the federal government has diverted resources away from this issue or simply does not chose to penalize certain actions. All this holding did, in a political sense, was make matters worse for the United States.

 
The federal resources argument is an interesting one. It's a political firestorm. From a legal standpoint, the judge was right to grant the injunction there. However in winning that argument, the federal government loses a lot by basically arguing that they don't have the resources to effect their own policy. Arizona can beat that argument.
I doubt they can, but it's irrelevant anyway. The federal government doesn't have to prove harm at the permanent injunction phase. They only have to prove preemption.
 
Oof, she had to go to the dormant Commerce Clause.With the exception of my first review post where I think the judge is flat wrong in policy and practice, the rest of the holding is sound. For the court, at least. For the United States, the holding presents a problem. The crux of the holding and the arguments made by the United States basically come down to this:1. We don't have the resources to effect our own policy, so Arizona just has to suffer.2. We haven't created certain penalities for certain actions because we've simply chosen not to, and Arizona has to suffer.3. Federal priorities in this avenue of legislation simply does not include enforcing these laws for the protection of the people of Arizona. And in dicta, she basically continues this line of reasoning by pointing out that other states are about to jump on the bandwagon and make it worse for the federal government.)That's the essential argument void of the legal reasoning. It's terrible argument, and basically gets us to a place when Arizona is put in a position to suffer damage with absolutely no remedy. While the law correctly fell to the Unites States for preliminary relief based on a potential non-remedy there, I don't think the same necessarily applies to the state of Arizona.This is a political nightmare for the current federal administration and everyone connected to it and these policies in both parties. Basically the people of Arizona have no right to protect themselves here, and their state government can't help them, because the federal government has diverted resources away from this issue or simply does not chose to penalize certain actions. All this holding did, in a political sense, was make matters worse for the United States.
Agreed. I've said it before and I'll say it again. AZ, and those of us who support AZ in enacting this law, don't actually want this law to exist. We just want the Federal Government to perform it's constitutionally mandated duty of protecting it's borders and citizens. And polls overwhelmingly show that the majority of Americans feel similarly. It's just sad that our elected officials choose not to perform their basic duties for political gain.
 
The federal resources argument is an interesting one. It's a political firestorm. From a legal standpoint, the judge was right to grant the injunction there. However in winning that argument, the federal government loses a lot by basically arguing that they don't have the resources to effect their own policy. Arizona can beat that argument.
I doubt they can, but it's irrelevant anyway. The federal government doesn't have to prove harm at the permanent injunction phase. They only have to prove preemption.
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
 
Oof, she had to go to the dormant Commerce Clause.With the exception of my first review post where I think the judge is flat wrong in policy and practice, the rest of the holding is sound. For the court, at least. For the United States, the holding presents a problem. The crux of the holding and the arguments made by the United States basically come down to this:1. We don't have the resources to effect our own policy, so Arizona just has to suffer.2. We haven't created certain penalities for certain actions because we've simply chosen not to, and Arizona has to suffer.3. Federal priorities in this avenue of legislation simply does not include enforcing these laws for the protection of the people of Arizona. And in dicta, she basically continues this line of reasoning by pointing out that other states are about to jump on the bandwagon and make it worse for the federal government.)That's the essential argument void of the legal reasoning. It's terrible argument, and basically gets us to a place when Arizona is put in a position to suffer damage with absolutely no remedy. While the law correctly fell to the Unites States for preliminary relief based on a potential non-remedy there, I don't think the same necessarily applies to the state of Arizona.This is a political nightmare for the current federal administration and everyone connected to it and these policies in both parties. Basically the people of Arizona have no right to protect themselves here, and their state government can't help them, because the federal government has diverted resources away from this issue or simply does not chose to penalize certain actions. All this holding did, in a political sense, was make matters worse for the United States.
Agreed. I've said it before and I'll say it again. AZ, and those of us who support AZ in enacting this law, don't actually want this law to exist. We just want the Federal Government to perform it's constitutionally mandated duty of protecting it's borders and citizens. And polls overwhelmingly show that the majority of Americans feel similarly. It's just sad that our elected officials choose not to perform their basic duties for political gain.
but if this was that simple, SOMEONE would campaign on doing that, and if the majority of Americans agreed, they could wini don't think the majority of Americans not living near the border are THAT concerned about it. I also don't think there is an easy way to just "perform that duty"
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
Actually the more I think about it, the more this seems to me perhaps the biggest single insult I have ever received in this forum; though in truth, you're really insulting your own knowledge and intelligence.Care to explain what being an American means to you, and how my viewpoints are embarrasing to America?
Nope.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
Actually the more I think about it, the more this seems to me perhaps the biggest single insult I have ever received in this forum; though in truth, you're really insulting your own knowledge and intelligence.Care to explain what being an American means to you, and how my viewpoints are embarrasing to America?
Nope.
:thumbup:
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
Actually the more I think about it, the more this seems to me perhaps the biggest single insult I have ever received in this forum; though in truth, you're really insulting your own knowledge and intelligence.Care to explain what being an American means to you, and how my viewpoints are embarrasing to America?
Nope.
He'll just stick with the condesending insults.
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
There's nothing in preemption analysis to support the proposition that a state government "has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it." The feds will likely win on preemption grounds, under current precedent, for the same reason that Arizona can't impose sanctions on Mexico. Because it's a federal power that the Congress has chosen to regulate extensively, "filling the field."
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
There's nothing in preemption analysis to support the proposition that a state government "has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it." The feds will likely win on preemption grounds, under current precedent, for the same reason that Arizona can't impose sanctions on Mexico. Because it's a federal power that the Congress has chosen to regulate extensively, "filling the field."
:excited: I have great respect for both of these posters (I tend to agree with one more than the other) and love that they are willing to have a civil discussion about these issues here. :goodposting:
 
Oof, she had to go to the dormant Commerce Clause.With the exception of my first review post where I think the judge is flat wrong in policy and practice, the rest of the holding is sound. For the court, at least. For the United States, the holding presents a problem. The crux of the holding and the arguments made by the United States basically come down to this:1. We don't have the resources to effect our own policy, so Arizona just has to suffer.2. We haven't created certain penalities for certain actions because we've simply chosen not to, and Arizona has to suffer.3. Federal priorities in this avenue of legislation simply does not include enforcing these laws for the protection of the people of Arizona. And in dicta, she basically continues this line of reasoning by pointing out that other states are about to jump on the bandwagon and make it worse for the federal government.)That's the essential argument void of the legal reasoning. It's terrible argument, and basically gets us to a place when Arizona is put in a position to suffer damage with absolutely no remedy. While the law correctly fell to the Unites States for preliminary relief based on a potential non-remedy there, I don't think the same necessarily applies to the state of Arizona.This is a political nightmare for the current federal administration and everyone connected to it and these policies in both parties. Basically the people of Arizona have no right to protect themselves here, and their state government can't help them, because the federal government has diverted resources away from this issue or simply does not chose to penalize certain actions. All this holding did, in a political sense, was make matters worse for the United States.
Agreed. I've said it before and I'll say it again. AZ, and those of us who support AZ in enacting this law, don't actually want this law to exist. We just want the Federal Government to perform it's constitutionally mandated duty of protecting it's borders and citizens. And polls overwhelmingly show that the majority of Americans feel similarly. It's just sad that our elected officials choose not to perform their basic duties for political gain.
but if this was that simple, SOMEONE would campaign on doing that, and if the majority of Americans agreed, they could wini don't think the majority of Americans not living near the border are THAT concerned about it. I also don't think there is an easy way to just "perform that duty"
People balance multiple issues. For example, the economy will probably be the #1 issue for most people in the next couple of elections. That doesn't mean they don't care about immigration.
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
There's nothing in preemption analysis to support the proposition that a state government "has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it." The feds will likely win on preemption grounds, under current precedent, for the same reason that Arizona can't impose sanctions on Mexico. Because it's a federal power that the Congress has chosen to regulate extensively, "filling the field."
:excited: I have great respect for both of these posters (I tend to agree with one more than the other) and love that they are willing to have a civil discussion about these issues here. :goodposting:
Maybe because they're the only two posters in this thread that actually know anything. Everyone else is full of ####.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
Actually the more I think about it, the more this seems to me perhaps the biggest single insult I have ever received in this forum; though in truth, you're really insulting your own knowledge and intelligence.Care to explain what being an American means to you, and how my viewpoints are embarrasing to America?
Nope.
As an American I am embarrassed by your response .. :goodposting:
 
Oof, she had to go to the dormant Commerce Clause.With the exception of my first review post where I think the judge is flat wrong in policy and practice, the rest of the holding is sound. For the court, at least. For the United States, the holding presents a problem. The crux of the holding and the arguments made by the United States basically come down to this:1. We don't have the resources to effect our own policy, so Arizona just has to suffer.2. We haven't created certain penalities for certain actions because we've simply chosen not to, and Arizona has to suffer.3. Federal priorities in this avenue of legislation simply does not include enforcing these laws for the protection of the people of Arizona. And in dicta, she basically continues this line of reasoning by pointing out that other states are about to jump on the bandwagon and make it worse for the federal government.)That's the essential argument void of the legal reasoning. It's terrible argument, and basically gets us to a place when Arizona is put in a position to suffer damage with absolutely no remedy. While the law correctly fell to the Unites States for preliminary relief based on a potential non-remedy there, I don't think the same necessarily applies to the state of Arizona.This is a political nightmare for the current federal administration and everyone connected to it and these policies in both parties. Basically the people of Arizona have no right to protect themselves here, and their state government can't help them, because the federal government has diverted resources away from this issue or simply does not chose to penalize certain actions. All this holding did, in a political sense, was make matters worse for the United States.
Agreed. I've said it before and I'll say it again. AZ, and those of us who support AZ in enacting this law, don't actually want this law to exist. We just want the Federal Government to perform it's constitutionally mandated duty of protecting it's borders and citizens. And polls overwhelmingly show that the majority of Americans feel similarly. It's just sad that our elected officials choose not to perform their basic duties for political gain.
but if this was that simple, SOMEONE would campaign on doing that, and if the majority of Americans agreed, they could wini don't think the majority of Americans not living near the border are THAT concerned about it. I also don't think there is an easy way to just "perform that duty"
People balance multiple issues. For example, the economy will probably be the #1 issue for most people in the next couple of elections. That doesn't mean they don't care about immigration.
Maybe, but to a lot of people, it's two parts of the same argument.
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
There's nothing in preemption analysis to support the proposition that a state government "has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it." The feds will likely win on preemption grounds, under current precedent, for the same reason that Arizona can't impose sanctions on Mexico. Because it's a federal power that the Congress has chosen to regulate extensively, "filling the field."
Except in the same argument they have said that they don't have the resources to back up their regulations. So, the fed preempts the states, but doesn't do anything and the states can't do anything about it because there are toothless regulations on the books. No, the natural progression I talked about exists.Here is the federal argument:Immigration is a federal power. We have federal regulations. Arizona doesn't get to make a law we feel infringes on that power. We can't enforce the regulations. We don't have the resources to enforce the regulations. Arizona, still, doesn't get to do it either.The state argues:We know there are federal laws. The federal governent doesn't enforce them. The lack of enforcement has damaged this state considerably and will continue to do so. We chose to enforce them or some mimicked variant of them to stop this problem and mitigate these damages. We'd prefer if the federal government just did it's job.The fed responds:No, sorry. We already wrote a regulation and even though we don't actually enforce it in any way, you aren't allowed to either. Your damages aren't a care for the current policy scheme. Your damages may continue but you are not authorized to stop them.And now we have a federal judge holding that, yeah, basically, the fed will win that argument. That isn't the system the Constitution envisions. I can see this needing to be and resulting in another version of integrated school systems where the state of Arizona basically has to ignore the federal government until it comes to a head with the National Guard being sent down there. The reality of this holding and the administrations arguments in a political sense are damaging and very very short sighted.ETA: Oh, and I understand the legal precedent. I don't mean to argue you are wrong in that sense, you aren't. But the problem I see still remains to me.
 
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I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
There's nothing in preemption analysis to support the proposition that a state government "has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it." The feds will likely win on preemption grounds, under current precedent, for the same reason that Arizona can't impose sanctions on Mexico. Because it's a federal power that the Congress has chosen to regulate extensively, "filling the field."
:excited: I have great respect for both of these posters (I tend to agree with one more than the other) and love that they are willing to have a civil discussion about these issues here. :angry:
I am much more interested in the legal aspects of this than the politics of either side, so I like seeing what informed people say on it
 
Oof, she had to go to the dormant Commerce Clause.With the exception of my first review post where I think the judge is flat wrong in policy and practice, the rest of the holding is sound. For the court, at least. For the United States, the holding presents a problem. The crux of the holding and the arguments made by the United States basically come down to this:1. We don't have the resources to effect our own policy, so Arizona just has to suffer.2. We haven't created certain penalities for certain actions because we've simply chosen not to, and Arizona has to suffer.3. Federal priorities in this avenue of legislation simply does not include enforcing these laws for the protection of the people of Arizona. And in dicta, she basically continues this line of reasoning by pointing out that other states are about to jump on the bandwagon and make it worse for the federal government.)That's the essential argument void of the legal reasoning. It's terrible argument, and basically gets us to a place when Arizona is put in a position to suffer damage with absolutely no remedy. While the law correctly fell to the Unites States for preliminary relief based on a potential non-remedy there, I don't think the same necessarily applies to the state of Arizona.This is a political nightmare for the current federal administration and everyone connected to it and these policies in both parties. Basically the people of Arizona have no right to protect themselves here, and their state government can't help them, because the federal government has diverted resources away from this issue or simply does not chose to penalize certain actions. All this holding did, in a political sense, was make matters worse for the United States.
Agreed. I've said it before and I'll say it again. AZ, and those of us who support AZ in enacting this law, don't actually want this law to exist. We just want the Federal Government to perform it's constitutionally mandated duty of protecting it's borders and citizens. And polls overwhelmingly show that the majority of Americans feel similarly. It's just sad that our elected officials choose not to perform their basic duties for political gain.
but if this was that simple, SOMEONE would campaign on doing that, and if the majority of Americans agreed, they could wini don't think the majority of Americans not living near the border are THAT concerned about it. I also don't think there is an easy way to just "perform that duty"
People balance multiple issues. For example, the economy will probably be the #1 issue for most people in the next couple of elections. That doesn't mean they don't care about immigration.
I agree, which is why when you ask them what they think they support more enforcement. I just don;t think it is a hig priority with most.
 
Actually, you never said you were guessing that the reason illegals are leaving was the economy. The thing you said you were guessing about was that the number of illegals coming here had declined. But I think we all know you're pretty much guessing about all of this. Too bad you pretend to be knowledgeable about so many topics but are all too often just "guessing".
When I am guessing, I say so. My overall opinion on the advantages of illegals I have backed up in this thread with statistical data and studies. You can choose to disagree (most people do) but the information is there.
26% of the people in your own state are illegals. How's that done for the economy there, chief? :angry:
I'll answer that for him. BANKRUPT! I got some bad news for them too. The illegals pouring over the Arizona/California border are going to suckeven more $ out of California like leeches on Arnie's ###.
 
People balance multiple issues. For example, the economy will probably be the #1 issue for most people in the next couple of elections. That doesn't mean they don't care about immigration.
I agree, which is why when you ask them what they think they support more enforcement. I just don;t think it is a hig priority with most.
It is a high priority. If it wasn't we'd already have "comprehensive immigration reform". When they tried that in 2007 congress was swamped with input from their constituents telling them amnesty was unacceptable, and the bill died. While immigration may not be the #1 issue it's important enough that any vulnerable congress person who voted for it would likely be voted out. But congress doesn't want to enforce the border in fear of alienating what they see as a huge future voting block. So we get the status quo. And when a state that is severely affected by illegal immigration tries to do something on it's own they get sued. And the whole country continues to get screwed.
 
The Court by no means disregards Arizona’s interests in controlling illegal immigration and addressing the concurrent problems with crime including the trafficking of humans, drugs, guns, and money. Even though Arizona’s interests may be consistent with those of the federal government, it is not in the public interest for Arizona to enforce preempted laws. See Edmondson, 594 F.3d at 771. The Court therefore finds that preserving the status quo through a preliminary injunction is less harmful than allowing state laws that are likely preempted by federal law to be enforced. See Cal. Pharmacists, 563 F.3d at 852-53; Am. Trucking, 559 F.3d at 1059-60.

To me this is the most important point to start the discussion. Perhaps this, instead, leads to a massive review of just what preemption means. To me, without citing the legal precedent behind it, the argument for preemption is simple. The federal government as the supreme sovereign makes a law or regulation in an area and in doing so preempts the state from having to do so. It's not only a pretty straight forward argument it makes a lot of necessary sense in the federal system. But I believe that there has to be a caveat - the actual act of preemption requires just that - some form of act. Or in the alternative, some form of active response when the field preempted creates problems for the states.

What we are dealing with in this context is an absense of that act. Arizona is on an island right now when it comes to federal immigration policy. They don't want to be and want to be brought back into the fold, but the fed has basically said no, adn now we have the Article III courts backing the federal government. In effect, the state has no sovereign authority at this point to protect itself. Had the federal government preempted this field actively in some fashion, or reacted in some other fashion then the state doesn't need to act on its own.

The idea that the federal government occupies this field of policy necessitates the federal government actually physically occupying the field. Not only are they not doing that they are specifically stating that they can't, won't and have no intention of doing so. That creates by default a void in power. While it is true that the supreme sovereign is just that, when that sovereign refuses to act, the Constitutional system mandates and is based on the premise that the states can step in for, at the very least, their own self preservation. If it is not in the "public interest" for the state of Arizona to protect and defend the people of Arizona from people who are breaking the law with now a public statement saying that they will not be punished for doing so, then just what exactly is the function of a state in this system and what is the "public interest?"

 
Actually, you never said you were guessing that the reason illegals are leaving was the economy. The thing you said you were guessing about was that the number of illegals coming here had declined. But I think we all know you're pretty much guessing about all of this. Too bad you pretend to be knowledgeable about so many topics but are all too often just "guessing".
When I am guessing, I say so. My overall opinion on the advantages of illegals I have backed up in this thread with statistical data and studies. You can choose to disagree (most people do) but the information is there.
26% of the people in your own state are illegals. How's that done for the economy there, chief? :shrug:
I'll answer that for him. BANKRUPT! I got some bad news for them too. The illegals pouring over the Arizona/California border are going to suckeven more $ out of California like leeches on Arnie's ###.
It goes beyond that. More citizens (think: TAX PAYERS) are leaving the state than moving there. Has been that way for 5+ years running. And yet the population continues to grow as more illegals move there. So the illegals (think: TAX TAKERS) take up more and more of the states budget without paying significant taxes. The result is less services for your tax dollar as the state continues to go bankrupt. It's the main reason I left the state. Saw this coming 7 years ago.
 
People balance multiple issues. For example, the economy will probably be the #1 issue for most people in the next couple of elections. That doesn't mean they don't care about immigration.
I agree, which is why when you ask them what they think they support more enforcement. I just don;t think it is a hig priority with most.
It is a high priority. If it wasn't we'd already have "comprehensive immigration reform". When they tried that in 2007 congress was swamped with input from their constituents telling them amnesty was unacceptable, and the bill died. While immigration may not be the #1 issue it's important enough that any vulnerable congress person who voted for it would likely be voted out. But congress doesn't want to enforce the border in fear of alienating what they see as a huge future voting block. So we get the status quo. And when a state that is severely affected by illegal immigration tries to do something on it's own they get sued. And the whole country continues to get screwed.
again if it were a high priority to non border states it would be an incentive to candidates to fix it. Why would they get voted out for doing what people want?up here in the midwest, people may gripe about immigration, but the people i know sure as hell do not vote based on it. It is really "not our problem", Canadian illegals are few and far between. that's the attitude i see mostly anyway, i could be wrong on how many people feel that way.
 
I'm guessing, (and I'm betting there is data out there to back me up though I don't have it in front of me) that the overall number of illegal immigrants coming into this country has declined in the last couple of years due to the economy. And this is a terrible thing, IMO. The more illegals we have, the stronger our economy, and vice-versa.
:shrug: If that were true the economy would still be going strong. The illegals didn't start heading back until the economy started to falter. Illegals don't make a strong economy, they're attracted to a strong economy, like moths to a flame.

Of course, let's forget that the working illegals tend to send lots of money back to Mexico, while they and their dependents use welfare/health/educational systems that suck up tax dollars. But hey, corporations and contractors love them because they can pay them much less without worrying about offering them benefits.

So to sum up your position: Slave labor makes for a stronger economy!!

:rolleyes:
That's not even close to a valid conclusion to draw from his statement. Whether he is right or wrong, the assertion that illegals make for a stronger economy says nothing about the impact that other forces may have on the economy and in no way suggests that as long as illegals keep coming in, the economy can never falter.This board could use just a touch more critical thinking.

 
Actually, you never said you were guessing that the reason illegals are leaving was the economy. The thing you said you were guessing about was that the number of illegals coming here had declined. But I think we all know you're pretty much guessing about all of this. Too bad you pretend to be knowledgeable about so many topics but are all too often just "guessing".
When I am guessing, I say so. My overall opinion on the advantages of illegals I have backed up in this thread with statistical data and studies. You can choose to disagree (most people do) but the information is there.
26% of the people in your own state are illegals. How's that done for the economy there, chief? :shrug:
I'll answer that for him. BANKRUPT! I got some bad news for them too. The illegals pouring over the Arizona/California border are going to suckeven more $ out of California like leeches on Arnie's ###.
It goes beyond that. More citizens (think: TAX PAYERS) are leaving the state than moving there. Has been that way for 5+ years running. And yet the population continues to grow as more illegals move there. So the illegals (think: TAX TAKERS) take up more and more of the states budget without paying significant taxes. The result is less services for your tax dollar as the state continues to go bankrupt. It's the main reason I left the state. Saw this coming 7 years ago.
It just isn't a state government problem either. The local governments are getting hammered as well. Between this and the pension system I don't believe there is any way CA doesn't go insolvent. Their credit rating is already just above junk bond status.
 
It's so comical watching Timmay writhe about in this thread. I suppose defending the indefensible is his shtick, which is entertaining; but as an American, it's embarrassing.
Actually the more I think about it, the more this seems to me perhaps the biggest single insult I have ever received in this forum; though in truth, you're really insulting your own knowledge and intelligence.Care to explain what being an American means to you, and how my viewpoints are embarrasing to America?
Nope.
As an American I am embarrassed by your response .. :shrug:
Fair enough. They're not citizens. They take resources and dollars for resources away from those that are citizens. If they want to live here they should do so legally, no matter what their perceived contribution to the country is. And no matter how terrible, in your bleeding heart opinion, the current process is.

I suspect Timbo is in real estate or something close to it and knows that his own livelihood could potentially suffer if the slave labor is taken away from him. So it’s not all Americans he cares about. And the only future he cares about is his own. His patriotic song and dance bores me.

I also know that if this country was forced to dig deep and do things for ourselves for a change (like manual labor) things would be a lot better around here. This collective sense of entitlement would start to disappear and many of the unemployed would find themselves gainfully employed and back on their feet.

 
People balance multiple issues. For example, the economy will probably be the #1 issue for most people in the next couple of elections. That doesn't mean they don't care about immigration.
I agree, which is why when you ask them what they think they support more enforcement. I just don;t think it is a hig priority with most.
It is a high priority. If it wasn't we'd already have "comprehensive immigration reform". When they tried that in 2007 congress was swamped with input from their constituents telling them amnesty was unacceptable, and the bill died. While immigration may not be the #1 issue it's important enough that any vulnerable congress person who voted for it would likely be voted out. But congress doesn't want to enforce the border in fear of alienating what they see as a huge future voting block. So we get the status quo. And when a state that is severely affected by illegal immigration tries to do something on it's own they get sued. And the whole country continues to get screwed.
again if it were a high priority to non border states it would be an incentive to candidates to fix it. Why would they get voted out for doing what people want?up here in the midwest, people may gripe about immigration, but the people i know sure as hell do not vote based on it. It is really "not our problem", Canadian illegals are few and far between. that's the attitude i see mostly anyway, i could be wrong on how many people feel that way.
There's no doubt going to be less priority given to illegals in some states where it isn't a huge factor. But there are a large number of states where it IS a huge factor, and those aren't all border states. And, in those states, it is an issue that is campaigned on. Look at AZ. McCain changes his stance on immigration about every 6 months depending on polls and who he's running against. Or look at CA right now. Meg Whitman made a big stink about being anti illegal immigration during her primary run. Now that she's won the primary she's tempering her rhetoric trying to court the latino vote. It's disgusting, actually.
 
It just isn't a state government problem either. The local governments are getting hammered as well. Between this and the pension system I don't believe there is any way CA doesn't go insolvent. Their credit rating is already just above junk bond status.
Just wondering if you guys have any citations to support your assertion that the illegal immigrants are a major contributor to economic/budget problems. Best non-partisan thing I could find was a 2007 CBO study, the gist of which seems to be:
The tax revenues that unauthorized immigrants generate

for state and local governments do not offset

the total cost of services provided to those immigrants.

Most of the estimates found that even though

unauthorized immigrants pay taxes and other fees to

state and local jurisdictions, the resulting revenues offset

only a portion of the costs incurred by those jurisdictions

for providing services related to education,

health care, and law enforcement. Although it is difficult

to obtain precise estimates of the net impact of

the unauthorized population on state and local budgets,

that impact is most likely modest.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/87xx/doc8711/12-6-Immigration.pdf

Document

 
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It goes beyond that. More citizens (think: TAX PAYERS) are leaving the state than moving there. Has been that way for 5+ years running. And yet the population continues to grow as more illegals move there. So the illegals (think: TAX TAKERS) take up more and more of the states budget without paying significant taxes. The result is less services for your tax dollar as the state continues to go bankrupt. It's the main reason I left the state. Saw this coming 7 years ago.
It just isn't a state government problem either. The local governments are getting hammered as well. Between this and the pension system I don't believe there is any way CA doesn't go insolvent. Their credit rating is already just above junk bond status.
If I thought the state could recover I wouldn't have left. But after the idiots didn't pass the 4 ballot propositions 5-6 years ago that might have saved the state I knew it was over. Now I talk to my friends in LA paying 10.5 percent sales tax, my mom tells me how the cops are going nuts giving tickets to boost revenues, and services continue to be cut. And I think it's the same throughout the state. Can't believe Timmy lives there and still thinks the illegals are a net positive.
 
It just isn't a state government problem either. The local governments are getting hammered as well. Between this and the pension system I don't believe there is any way CA doesn't go insolvent. Their credit rating is already just above junk bond status.
Just wondering if you guys have any citations to support your assertion that the illegal immigrants are a major contributor to economic/budget problems. Best non-partisan thing I could find was a 2007 CBO study, the gist of which seems to be:
The tax revenues that unauthorized immigrants generate

for state and local governments do not offset

the total cost of services provided to those immigrants.

Most of the estimates found that even though

unauthorized immigrants pay taxes and other fees to

state and local jurisdictions, the resulting revenues offset

only a portion of the costs incurred by those jurisdictions

for providing services related to education,

health care, and law enforcement. Although it is difficult

to obtain precise estimates of the net impact of

the unauthorized population on state and local budgets,

that impact is most likely modest.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/87xx/doc8711/12-6-Immigration.pdf

Document
http://cis.org/articles/2004/fiscalexec.html
 
It just isn't a state government problem either. The local governments are getting hammered as well. Between this and the pension system I don't believe there is any way CA doesn't go insolvent. Their credit rating is already just above junk bond status.
Just wondering if you guys have any citations to support your assertion that the illegal immigrants are a major contributor to economic/budget problems. Best non-partisan thing I could find was a 2007 CBO study, the gist of which seems to be:
The tax revenues that unauthorized immigrants generate

for state and local governments do not offset

the total cost of services provided to those immigrants.

Most of the estimates found that even though

unauthorized immigrants pay taxes and other fees to

state and local jurisdictions, the resulting revenues offset

only a portion of the costs incurred by those jurisdictions

for providing services related to education,

health care, and law enforcement. Although it is difficult

to obtain precise estimates of the net impact of

the unauthorized population on state and local budgets,

that impact is most likely modest.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/87xx/doc8711/12-6-Immigration.pdf

Document
http://cis.org/articles/2004/fiscalexec.html
The Center is animated by a pro-immigrant, low-immigration vision which seeks fewer immigrants but a warmer welcome for those admitted.
Not making them out to be the devil or anything, but it's fair to say that they've got more of an agenda than CBO. Also the CBO has more resources at their disposal and their study is more recent.
 
It just isn't a state government problem either. The local governments are getting hammered as well. Between this and the pension system I don't believe there is any way CA doesn't go insolvent. Their credit rating is already just above junk bond status.
Just wondering if you guys have any citations to support your assertion that the illegal immigrants are a major contributor to economic/budget problems. Best non-partisan thing I could find was a 2007 CBO study, the gist of which seems to be:
The tax revenues that unauthorized immigrants generate

for state and local governments do not offset

the total cost of services provided to those immigrants.

Most of the estimates found that even though

unauthorized immigrants pay taxes and other fees to

state and local jurisdictions, the resulting revenues offset

only a portion of the costs incurred by those jurisdictions

for providing services related to education,

health care, and law enforcement. Although it is difficult

to obtain precise estimates of the net impact of

the unauthorized population on state and local budgets,

that impact is most likely modest.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/87xx/doc8711/12-6-Immigration.pdf

Document
That isn't what we said. California has been having net domestic emmigration since 2000, but the population has always grown via immigration. The jobs and tax base being lost can't be made up by the immigrants coming in. Given the sustained growth CA government continues to undergo they either have to shrink the growth of government or find a way to lessen domestic emmigration.
 
The Center is animated by a pro-immigrant, low-immigration vision which seeks fewer immigrants but a warmer welcome for those admitted.
Not making them out to be the devil or anything, but it's fair to say that they've got more of an agenda than CBO. Also the CBO has more resources at their disposal and their study is more recent.
Funny and prophetic...this is from 2004 http://usgovinfo.about.com/od/immigrationn.../caillegals.htmStaggering numbers:

Among the key finding of the report are that the state's already struggling K-12 education system spends approximately $7.7 billion a year to school the children of illegal aliens who now constitute 15 percent of the student body. Another $1.4 billion of the taxpayers' money goes toward providing health care to illegal aliens and their families, the same amount that is spent incarcerating illegal aliens criminals.
 
I meant in the end game. And I think they can. If they don't we are at the point where you have to effectively argue that the state government has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it. That's simply not the case. I know I rail on what the 16th and 17th Amendments did to what the "state" had as a sovereign in the system, but they still do have sovereign powers. This part of the argument by the federal government, and given breathing room in this initial phase, stands for the proposition that states can be destroyed and they are powerless to stop it unless the federal government lets them.That isn't the system set up by the Constitution at all.
I'd call that a radical interpretation of the text.
What's the alternative interpretation of what the court did here? And I know in a preliminary there are different rules, but the natural progression of the arguments why the federal government will succeed on the issues raised is what I said.
There's nothing in preemption analysis to support the proposition that a state government "has no police power of any kind void of federal mandate supporting it." The feds will likely win on preemption grounds, under current precedent, for the same reason that Arizona can't impose sanctions on Mexico. Because it's a federal power that the Congress has chosen to regulate extensively, "filling the field."
Except in the same argument they have said that they don't have the resources to back up their regulations. So, the fed preempts the states, but doesn't do anything and the states can't do anything about it because there are toothless regulations on the books. No, the natural progression I talked about exists.Here is the federal argument:Immigration is a federal power. We have federal regulations. Arizona doesn't get to make a law we feel infringes on that power. We can't enforce the regulations. We don't have the resources to enforce the regulations. Arizona, still, doesn't get to do it either.The state argues:We know there are federal laws. The federal governent doesn't enforce them. The lack of enforcement has damaged this state considerably and will continue to do so. We chose to enforce them or some mimicked variant of them to stop this problem and mitigate these damages. We'd prefer if the federal government just did it's job.The fed responds:No, sorry. We already wrote a regulation and even though we don't actually enforce it in any way, you aren't allowed to either. Your damages aren't a care for the current policy scheme. Your damages may continue but you are not authorized to stop them.And now we have a federal judge holding that, yeah, basically, the fed will win that argument. That isn't the system the Constitution envisions. I can see this needing to be and resulting in another version of integrated school systems where the state of Arizona basically has to ignore the federal government until it comes to a head with the National Guard being sent down there. The reality of this holding and the administrations arguments in a political sense are damaging and very very short sighted.ETA: Oh, and I understand the legal precedent. I don't mean to argue you are wrong in that sense, you aren't. But the problem I see still remains to me.
You are confusing two issues.1) Whether sections of the Arizona law are unconstitutional because they are preemepted.2) Whether the Federal Government has satisfied the additional requirements to obtain a TRO in this case.All the talk about the burdens on the federal government is most relevant to question 2, not question 1. The Feds don't just need to prove likelihood of prevailing on the merits. They need to prove irreperable harm and a benefit to the public interest through a balance of the equities. The federal resource argument is directly relevant to those equities. It's only tangentially relevant to preemption.
 

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