The Electoral College Part 3
1824
John Quincy Adams should have been the heir apparent to the presidency as James Monroe's secretary of state, the year 1824 was a political turning point in which none of the old rules applied. Four other men also wanted to be President, each with substantial regional backing. John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, William H. Crawford of Georgia, House Speaker Henry Clay and General Andrew Jackson from Tennessee.
Although Adams was a centrist politician of sorts—a Jeffersonian-Federalist, to coin a new term—many Americans still identified him as a New Englander and as the son of the old Federalist leader John Adams. Additionally, many staunch Democratic-Republicans blamed Adams and his supporters for having transformed the party of Jefferson into a disguised form of Federalism under the rubric of "National Republicans." Southerners, moreover, objected to Adams because of his moral opposition to slavery. They remembered his criticism of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 as a proslavery conspiracy, and they suspiciously recalled Adams's efforts to include language opposed to the international slave trade in the Treaty of Ghent, which ended the War of 1812.
In the summer of 1824, an unofficial caucus of less than a third of the congressmen eligible to attend nominated Crawford for President. Supporters for Adams denounced the caucus bid, and the Massachusetts legislature nominated Adams as their favorite-son candidate. The Kentucky legislature did the same for Clay. Both nominations followed the pattern set by the Tennessee legislature, which had nominated Andrew Jackson in 1822. John C. Calhoun of South Carolina dropped out of the presidential race by announcing his bid for the vice presidency, a move that both Adams and Crawford endorsed. Because all four candidates were nominal Democratic-Republicans—the Federalist Party had disintegrated by this point—the election would be decided without reference to party affiliation.
As the campaign progressed, Jackson emerged as the man to beat. The size of his rallies in key swing states—Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, New York, and New Jersey—far surpassed or rivaled those for Clay and Adams. In this first election in American history in which the popular vote mattered—because eighteen states chose presidential electors by popular vote in 1824 (six states still left the choice up to their state legislatures) —Jackson's popularity foretold a new era in the making. When the final votes were tallied in those eighteen states, Jackson polled 152,901 popular votes to Adams's 114,023; Clay won 47,217, and Crawford won 46,979. The electoral college returns, however, gave Jackson only 99 votes, 32 fewer than he needed for a majority of the total votes cast. Adams won 84 electoral votes followed by 41 for Crawford and 37 for Clay. Jackson was the only candidate to attract significant support beyond his regional base. He carried the majority of electoral votes in eleven states: Alabama, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, New Jersey, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Tennessee. Adams won all six of the New England states plus New York. Crawford and Clay carried only three states each—Delaware, Georgia, and Virginia for Crawford and Kentucky, Missouri, and Ohio for Clay.
Acting under the Twelfth Amendment of the Constitution, the House of Representatives met to select the President from among the top three candidates. Henry Clay, as the candidate with the fewest electoral votes, was eliminated from the deliberation. As Speaker of the House, however, Clay was still the most important player in determining the outcome of the election. The election in the House took place in February 1825. With each state having one vote, as determined by the wishes of the majority of each state's congressional representatives, Adams emerged as the winner with a one-vote margin of victory. Most of Clay's supporters, joined by several old Federalists, switched their votes to Adams in enough states to give him the election. Soon after his inauguration as President, Adams appointed Henry Clay as his secretary of state.
Jackson could barely contain his fury at having lost the election in what he claimed was a "corrupt bargain" between Adams and Clay to overturn the will of the people. To most Jackson supporters, it looked as if congressional leaders had conspired to revive the caucus system, whereby Congress greatly influenced—if not determined—the selection of the President. Jackson laid the blame on Clay, telling anyone who would listen that the Speaker had approached him with the offer of a deal: Clay would support Jackson in return for Jackson's appointment of Clay as secretary of state. When Jackson refused, Clay purportedly made the deal with Adams instead. In Jackson's words, Clay had sold his influence in a "corrupt bargain." Clay denied the charges, and while there certainly had been some behind-the-scenes maneuvering by Clay to push the vote to Adams, it most likely reflected Clay's genuine doubts about Jackson's qualifications for the office. In assessing the odds of successfully forwarding his own political agenda, Clay questioned Jackson's commitment to the "American System" of internal improvements. On the other hand, Clay knew that Adams had supported it consistently over the years. Also, the loss of three states that Jackson had won in the popular vote—Illinois, Maryland, and Louisiana—due to the defection of congressmen who supported Adams suggests that more was involved in the outcome than the political maneuvering of one man. Enraged, Jackson resigned his seat in the Senate and vowed to win the presidency in 1828 as an outsider to Washington politics.
1828
Within months of Adams's inauguration in 1825, the Tennessee legislature nominated Andrew Jackson for President. Over the next three years, Jackson put together a highly disciplined grassroots campaign with one goal: to defeat John Quincy Adams in a rematch that would pit "the people" against Adams. Jackson issued so-called memorandums (a misuse of the word that endeared him to his growing western constituency) in which he outlined the erosion of representative power over the last decades at the hands of "gamesters" like Clay and Adams. In Jackson's mind, the "corrupt bargain" was just one of a number of such schemes. Jackson claimed that the Panic of 1819, a devastating economic collapse, had resulted from (1) a conspiracy of disreputable creditors and the Bank of the United States, (2) the unpaid national debt, (3) the political swindlers in office from Madison through Adams—schemers who would be turned out with a Jackson victory—and (4) the backstairs dealings of "King Caucus" to select a President in defiance of popular opinion.
While Jackson and Van Buren organized, Adams diligently carried out the duties of the presidency, refusing to prepare himself or his supporters for the coming contest. Adams did not remove even his loudest opponents from appointive office and hewed to the old-fashioned notion that a candidate should "stand" for office, not "run." When the election campaign officially began, Adams's supporters formally adopted the name National Republicans in contrast to Democrats, trying thereby to identify themselves accurately with the link between old-style federalism and a new nationalistic republicanism. Jacksonians, on the other hand, argued for a new revolutionary movement that rested on a firm faith in majoritarian democracy and states' rights—ideas that were not always compatible.
The campaign turned out more than twice the number of voters who had cast ballots in 1824—approximately 57 percent of the electorate. Jackson won the election in a landslide, and by a wide margin of 95 electoral votes. Adams carried New England, Delaware, part of Maryland, New Jersey, and sixteen of New York's electoral votes—nine states in all. Jackson carried the remaining fifteen states of the South, Northwest, mid-Atlantic, and West. Incumbent Vice President John C. Calhoun won 171 electoral votes to 83 for Richard Rush of Pennsylvania, Adams's running mate.
1832
This is the election that began the process of using conventions instead of a caucus in the states to get a nominee. Jackson's popularity was immense and he was easily renominated and he would face a familiar foe in Henry Clay. And the result was similar to the last election with Jackson easily defeating Clay by taking the entire south, New York and Pennsylvania.
1836
Martin Van Buren was the heir apparent and the Democrats nominated him with little strife as a continuation of the political power that Van Buren helped to create under Jackson. The Federalists were dead and smaller parties like the Anti-Mason's had no singular leader, platform or policy to merge around. A growing new party, the Whigs, were beginning to make themselves known but without a strong central political organization and their inability to hold a convention they ended up supporting three different people for President under their banner - Tennessee Senatore Hugh White covering the south, Daniel Webster covering New England and Ohio's William Henry Harrison covering the west. The result isn't hard to see from that. Van Buren won easily. But the election signaled that the Whigs would be a new power for if they had run under one banner, Van Buren wouldn't have had that easy of an election.
1840
And of course, it came to a boiling point by the time Van Buren was up for election again. His first term did not go well and it resulted in the Whig party growing exponentially in the face of the Jacksonian democrats. Learning from their mistakes four years earlier the party united behind William Henry Harrison to run against Van Buren. Where Van Buren lead Jacksons party in changing the nature of politics and using grassroots programs to get the vote out, the Whige went one step further as a new national party and covered the country with banners, slogans, pennants, cigar boxes and all manner of things that we take for granted now almost 200 years later. 80% of eligible voters went to the polls and while Van Buren did well in the popular vote, Harrison destroyed him in the electoral college - even taking Van Buren's home state of New York from the Democrat. The Whigs were poised to be a long standing national party.
1844
President Harrison died a month into office leaving Vice President John Tyler to run the country. Almost immediately he was considered not a true President and fought that attack his entire time in office. The chaos that it caused resulted in him basically being thrown out of the Whig Party and a man with no support. As the election season was approaching the Whigs nominated Henry Clay for President a long standing enemy of Jacksonians. Tyler tried to win the nomination of the Democrats to run under their ticket, but the party was split between him and ultimately James K. Polk. Jackson still the party leader confronted Tyler about the election and told him that if he continued to try to run for President, he and Polk could split the Democrat vote enough to allow Henry Clay to win, but if Tyler backed down and let Polk lead the party then Tyler could help get rid of Henry Clay once and for all. Tyler agreed and withdrew his name and supported Polk. The Democrats also had to deal with former President Martin Van Buren trying to make a run as well so the party was not without its own chaos - and it's the reason that Polk did emerge from the convention as the nominee.
Polk promised to do four things in office and not run again. He would face, once again, Henry Clay because the Whigs were incapable of learning their lesson just yet. The Texas Annexation issue was the primary issue of the day and the men were so opposed to each other's positions that it made it clear for the electorate where they stood on that issue. Clay tried to ease up his position a little to try to grab some votes in the south but it didn't work. Once the ballots were counted, Polk beat Clay by only 38,000 votes with the college going 170-107 to Polk. But there is one more part to the story - the Whigs ignored the abolitionist wing of their party and they broke off and created the Liberty Party and nominted their own man for office, Michigan Democrat James Birney. They should have paid attention. Birney took a lot of votes away from Clay in New York and it was enough to give Polk the state. Had Clay won New York he would have won the popular vote and the electoral vote.